Dumb Leadership Mistakes Smart Managers Avoid

7 Dumb Leadership Mistakes Smart Managers Avoid

Martin Zwilling, Forbes Contributor

Many professionals in business, from startups to multi-nationals, assume that team leader or executive is an appointed position, and the skills come with the title. In reality, leadership is best demonstrated while not in a position of authority, and is a skill that must be sharpened every day of your life.

Most experts agree that leadership, as perceived by people around you, is more about behavior than it is about specific skills or knowledge. Darryl Rosen, in his new book “Table for Three?” illustrates this with humor for each of fifty dumb mistakes that smart managers don’t make. The leadership one is setting a poor example by your own actions (“Do as I say, not as I do.”)



His rendition, including the following seven examples of poor leadership behavior, that I have seen all too often in startups, illustrate how your actions affect others around you:

1. Blame others for everything. An entrepreneur’s passion for an idea often prompts them to blame others or external events for setbacks, rather than themselves, so that they can maintain some semblance of self-esteem and control. This “attributional bias” may be understandable, but is perceived by associates as poor leadership.
2. Worry and fret about everything. Precious little of what we worry and fret about ever happens, so don’t share every concern with associates. At best, it comes across as lack of confidence, or more likely sounds likely trying to make excuses for possible later failures. Team members want leaders who calm their worries, not amplify them.
3. Criticize others and the company. Managers who speak critically of team members, customers, friends or family members, have something going on within them that needs to be examined. There is some aspect of self that they find unacceptable. Real leaders are recognized as willing to look in the mirror, and learn from what they see.
4. Complain about being overwhelmed. Overwhelm is a feeling that always precedes growth, and is a state in which your brain is developing new pathways and connections. Starting a business or a new organization will always cause self-doubt and insecurity. Real leaders embrace and manage these feelings, rather than complain to associates.
5. Do 10 things at a time in a mediocre fashion. Entrepreneurs or managers who claim to be able to do multiple things at a time must never use this as an excuse for poor quality. Associates will quickly conclude that mediocrity is good enough. Even one task done with mediocrity can be the kiss of death for any business, or any career.
6. Appear disorganized and manage things haphazardly. Doing things haphazardly is prone to mistakes. In business, when you are making mistakes, it’s costing you time and money. With associates, making mistakes will cost you in productivity and morale, and will kill their image of you as a leader. Worse yet, associates will follow your example.
7. Fail to see the positives in others. The key here is to maintain a positive mindset. Leadership is all about finding positives, for business growth, for competitive advantage, and people development in your organization. Managers and entrepreneurs need everyone in their organization accentuating the positive, not amplifying the negatives.

Leadership and improvement is about taking small steps forward, and evolving just a bit each day. Think evolution, not revolution. Anyone can change one behavior a month, or eliminate one mistake, and suddenly you too can be an “overnight success.”

Of course, correcting leadership mistakes is only the beginning. There are at least 49 other ways to go wrong in navigating workplace relationships, problem-solving approaches, time management, credibility, and business effectiveness. How many have you avoided recently in your job?

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Raise the red flag, cut out the hypocrisy!

Raise the red flag

On The Beat By WONG CHUN WAI

Cut out the hypocrisy in the anti-palm oil campaign.

THERE’S no such thing as a national tree in Malaysia but if ever there has to be one, I would propose the oil palm tree. It may have originated from elsewhere, like the rubber tree, but it has been a miracle tree for this country.

Many Malaysians are aware that palm oil is used as raw material for cooking oil and soap but not many would know that it is also used in the making of instant noodles, cookies, biscuits, candles, washing powder and even medical and cosmetic products, including anti-ageing applications.

Even the tree’s trunks can be used for making furniture.

Palm oil can also be used to create biodiesel. Since 2007, all diesel sold in Malaysia must contain 5% palm oil, putting us at the forefront of promoting biodiesel.

But more importantly, the Malaysian palm oil industry earned a healthy RM60bil in 2010. This was an increase of RM10bil from 2009. Revenue is projected to reach RM80bil and the perception is that the industry will eventually be the country’s biggest money earner.

The income generated by the high price of palm oil has led to a mini economic boom in rural townships throughout the country and benefited the ordinary people.

In simple language, it means an assurance of jobs and income, with a guaranteed daily wage of RM90 in rural areas where the cost of living is low.

In contrast, as shown in some studies, the rural population of many developing countries often earns a mere RM7 per day and employment is sometimes limited or seasonal.

The fact is that while over one billion people have scarce access to food and jobs globally, in Malaysia, we rely on 300,000 foreigners to take on jobs we shun. This includes jobs in the palm oil industry.

In Malaysia, our concern is not lack of food but how to cut down on intake of carbohydrates to reduce our waistline. Slimming centres have become a multi-million ringgit business because of this.



For the foreign labourers working in oil palm plantations here, their employment means there will be food daily for over a million family members in Indonesia, Bangla­desh, the Philippines and other countries.

Oil palm is also important for the Malaysian smallholders and the retail business, which will enjoy the trickle-down effect. And the Government will gain as well, through the collection of corporate taxes, which are then used for education, health and infrastructure development.

It means a lot for the children of the smallholders and foreign workers who know they won’t have to go to bed hungry each night.

Over the past few months, however, their livelihood has been threatened by Western non-governmental organisations who have stepped up their campaign against Malaysia’s palm oil industry.

This time, they have widened their target audience to include even primary school children in the United States, Europe and Australia.

If the argument in the past was about health, this time the campaign has shifted towards the purported deforestation of land and the killing of orang utan. Naturally, these issues would be more emotionally appealing and fashionable given the global concern for environmental issues.

No one in his right mind would argue against protecting the environment but the red flag, rather than the green flag, has to be raised when the real issue is whether these NGOs are being funded by lobbyists from the soy bean, sunflower and other seed oil competitors.

There is a lot of hypocrisy here, really. Orang utans may have been affected but look at the shocking decline in the number of koalas in Australia as a result of human clearing and other factors.

It has been reported that the number of koalas has dropped by 95% since the 1990s and that only 43,000 of these tree-dwelling marsupial are left on the mainland. In southeast Queensland, the number has dropped from 25,000 to 4,000 in a decade. Just Google for more information.

Even the world’s 1.5 billion cows are being blamed. There’s a 400-page report quoting the United Nations, which has identified the world’s rapidly growing herds of cattle as a huge threat to the climate, forests and wild life. And they are being blamed for a host of other environmental crimes, too, from acid rain to the introduction of alien species, producing deserts to creating dead zones in the oceans, poisoning rivers and drinking water to destroying coral reefs.

The report by the Food and Agricultural Organisation, titled Livestock’s Long Shadow, surveys the damage done by cows, sheep, chickens, pigs and goats.

Livestock is responsible for 18% of the greenhouse gases that cause global warming, more than cars, planes and all other forms of transport put together – and there’s a lot of cows and sheep in Australia, I believe.

The Independent newspaper in Britain reported that burning fuel to produce fertilisers to grow feed, to produce meat and to transport it, and clearing vegetation for grazing, produces 9% of all emissions of carbon dioxide, the most common greenhouse gas.

And wind and manure from livestock account for more than one-third of emissions of another gas, methane, which warms the world 20 times faster than carbon dioxide.

But I feel that the greatest contributor to global warming has been left out – the great appetite of developed countries for fossil fuel, which is essential for their continued economic performance. The need to continue their lifestyle contributes to the huge emission of CO2.

It makes them look intelligent talking about orang utan and deforestation in exotic Borneo, which many might not even be able to locate on the map, while drinking Dom Perignon at fancy parties after being dropped off by chauffeur-driven gas-guzzling limousines. 

Double standards are the stuff of the powerful?

Diplomatic double-talk

Behind The Headlines By BUNN NAGARA

Double-dealing and double standards are the stuff of the powerful in the world at large.

THERE is something of a double bind when a troubling situation and the common understanding of it are both flawed.

For example, the uprising in Syria and the opposition to a draft UN resolution calling on President Bashar al-Assad to step down have typically been misrepresented.

Russia and China vetoed a draft resolution backed by Western and Arab countries at the UN Security Council (UNSC) last weekend calling on Assad to step down. The usual recriminations about their “betrayal” of the Syrian people followed.

One allegation was that Russia and China were merely opposing the resolution for their own selfish interests. Both countries were said to have major investments in Assad’s Syria, so they would not upset Damascus.

But if regime change were to come anyway, Moscow and Beijing would be as savvy as anyone to invest in a new Syria.

According to some Western accounts, regime change would come sooner rather than later.

Then Russia and China were said to be anxious to block a Syrian uprising only because they feared a similar outcome at home.

However, governments have never had the problem of contradicting foreign and domestic policies. Besides, Syrian dissidents have no known links with Chechen or Uighur militants.

China was also said to have gone along with Russia’s objection because Beijing placed a higher priority in maintaining strong ties with Moscow than with Washington or London.

A slightly more nuanced interpretation of that argument was that Russia and China sought to counter yet another Western-led effort to use the Security Council as a rubber stamp to serve US-Israeli interests in West Asia.



Overall, Western fury at Russian and Chinese non-compliance portrayed their vetoes as abhorrent and aberrant.

In the process, other reasons were conveniently ignored.

Russia and China have reasons for vetoing the draft resolution, and these may include those cited above. But their main reason patently relates to their experience of having been caught out in similar hostile adventures before.

The Western camp has argued that the resolution did not authorise military action against the Syrian government. But given recent experience in other Muslim countries, that is neither an assurance nor a selling point for the resolution.

In December 2000, UNSC Resolution 1333 on Afghanistan was supported by Russia and the US. It was criticised by then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, and China and Malaysia (then a UNSC non-permanent member) abstained.

The reservations then were that the Afghan people would suffer most from the resolution, and that peace talks with the ruling Taliban would be scuppered. A year later, war came.

Several UNSC resolutions on Iraq later led to its illegal invasion and controversial occupation. China, France and Russia by then had serious reservations about such resolutions, with doubts about whether war could be authorised.

US and British diplomats assured the world that the latest Iraq resolution need not authorise war. War came nonetheless, on spurious grounds and with disastrous consequences.

By 2007, China and Russia had had enough of such Western diplomatic shenanigans. They both vetoed a resolution tabled by the US and Britain on Myanmar.

Then on to Libya in 2011: a resolution that was supposed to have authorised only a “no-fly zone” became a hostile military action to “protect civilians”, which in turn meant war – again.

It was another exercise in regime change, whatever official words were used for the effort: of a country “in breach of UN resolutions”, one’s “responsibility to protect”, or “remaining seized of the matter”.

By 2012, it would be perverse for Russia and China, or any other country outside the Western orbit of client states, to remain oblivious to the ulterior motives behind UNSC resolutions.

Days before Morocco had tabled the draft resolution on Syria, both Russia and China had already indicated their opposition to it, so there were no grounds for the sense of shock and horror that followed.

Much of Western media reporting on the issue continues to miss some salient points. By the time of last year’s Western-led attack on Libya, if not before, at least one important lesson should have become clear.

And that is how Western encouragement of local uprisings in several Muslim countries can doom dissidents relying on uncertain support from abroad.

With Libya, both sides were armed and not above using violence against civilians caught in the middle.

It also quickly became clear that the anti-government forces had no hope of winning without foreign military support. But at the same time, such support is illegal in attacking a sovereign state.

In the Western perspective, the case for providing military support was expressed as “not betraying” the people who had chosen to fight their government.

This would have the predictable effect of encouraging more militants in other countries to wage war against the state, regardless of their chances of victory and the undemocratic nature of their rebellion.

Now Syria has proven the point. Without foreign military assistance, the innocent and virtuous masses would be said to have been abandoned to mass slaughter.

And on it goes. It has the chilling and compelling effect of obliging, even blackmailing, all other countries to attack any particular country regarded as ripe for regime change.

With Syria, the government’s military strength to the opposition’s capacity to mount a physical challenge is 10 times that of Libya before. If the sponsors of the failed resolution asking Assad to go quietly still insist it does not require war to be effective, they must be lying.

Their intelligence agencies should have informed them of the odds on the ground in Syria by now. Russia and China have already called their bluff.

Malaysian Chinese at a Political Crossroads forum; Chua-Lim Debate, all hype but no climax

All hype but no climax

Analysis By BARADAN KUPPUSAMY  Feb 20, 2012

Many at the much-touted debate between Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek and Lim Guan Eng were left disappointed as key issues whether a superior two-party system is on the cards and DAP's justification of its alliance with PAS were not answered. 

DATUK Seri Najib Tun Razak, when opening the Chinese at the Crossroads forum on Saturday morning, had a word of advice for Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek. Citing boxing terminology, the Prime Minister urged the MCA president “to punch above your weight”, which means that Dr Chua had to do better than expected.

While Dr Chua said after the “bout” that there was no winner or loser in the “ring”, except the people, to the disinterested observer he did indeed win the day with his better presentation skill, delivery and unflustered manner.

Dr Chua upstaged his opponent, Penang Chief Minister and DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng, in the hour-long battle.

Lim entered the ring with a formidable reputation as a veteran street fighter, gained from years of lambasting MCA and Barisan Nasional at every ceramah.

Experience, however, carried the day for Dr Chua. That was the verdict of observers including some DAP leaders.

Dr Chua, a survivor of many MCA battles, spoke directly to the larger television audience. He came well-prepared.

He had also the right gestures; not grand-standing, but delivering in a matter-of-fact manner.

Lim came on stage with a public image of a debater, but left with that reputation scarred.

He now wants a second round with Dr Chua, either in Bahasa Malaysia or English, presumably to repair the damage received from the first debate that was held in Mandarin.

While both Lim and Dr Chua are English-educated, moderator Tang Ah Chai was impressed by their use of Chinese proverbs.

The duo's supporters at the Berjaya Times Square hall were equally matched.

On hudud law, Lim slipped away without answering Pakatan Rakyat's socio-economic programme.
Instead, he emphasised how well Penang is today with him at the helm.

He reiterated that Pakatan acted as counter-weight to the Barisan; that if it were to take over the Government, it will deal with inflation, remove tolls and give RM1,000 to some 2.1 million citizens annually.

He said Pakatan would ensure transparency by revealing its representatives' assets, have open tenders and that corruption would not be tolerated.

Dr Chua, on the other hand, stressed that the DAP was merely advancing causes that were dear to PAS, such as the banning of cinemas and alcohol, and making multi-ethnic Malaysia Islamic.

He said DAP did not dare face Umno, but pits the Chinese against each other in all its 48 years of existence, adding that PAS would be the real beneficiary should the Pakatan come to power because it had a bigger membership base.

The audience were partisan to their heroes. And, when question time came, they used the session to embarrass both men.

DAP supporters also shouted down a questioner who raised the issue of PAS demolishing a turtle statue that adorned a roundabout after it came to power in Terengganu in 1995.

Many were left disappointed as the key issues of the day whether a superior two-party system will surface after the general election and how DAP justifies its alliance with PAS and hudud were not answered by either one.

But the fact remains: No matter how DAP justifies PAS (and it failed to do so at the debate), it is a burden to carry along an ally that is religion-based and has its own aims and ideals.

The audience, most of whom will vote at the next general election, has to decide if they want a DAP aligned to an intolerant PAS that has its own narrow-world view and demanding for an Islamic state; or a tried and tested MCA in the reforming Barisan that advocates a secular state.

Guan Eng did not say it

DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng says he did not say: “We do not agree the Prime Minister must always be a Malay because we want the people to decide”.

The Star had erroneously attributed the statement to him in a report during his debate with MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek and also in a commentary by K. Baradan yesterday.

The error in translation and in the commentary headlined All hype but no climax is regretted. The Star apologises for the error. Tuesday February 21, 2012

A political debate to watch out for

ANALYSIS By JOCELINE TAN joceline@thestar.com.my

A debate between two of the fiercest ‘fighting cocks’ in Chinese politics next week will add to what many hope will be a culture of civil discussion on political and policy issues.



ANYONE remotely interested in Malaysian politics would probably zero in on the political debate between MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek and DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng next week.

MCA and DAP are long-time nemeses and their leaders take shots at each other almost daily, but this will be the first time that the respective top guns of the two parties are taking on each other in a debate format.

Add to this the heightened political climate and the prospect of a general election being called this year and the stage is set for an event that will attract the attention of the Chinese, if not the Malaysian audience.

On top of that, these are two of the fiercest “fighting cocks” in Chinese politics today even though they were trained in rather sedate professions – Dr Chua is a medical doctor and Lim a chartered accountant. Lim is famous for his street-fighter style of politics, who hits out even before anyone tries to hit him.

Dr Chua is an Alpha male and arguably the most aggressive president that MCA has ever elected. He has been described as a wartime president for his ability to take charge in a time of crisis.

Another interesting aspect of the debate is that Dr Chua is coming in as the perceived underdog even though he is from the ruling coalition. He does not hold a government post and he did not contest the last general election.

Lim on the other hand is coming in from a position of strength as Chief Minister of Penang. He is also Bagan MP and Air Putih assemblyman, one of a handful of privileged DAP leaders who contested dual seats in 2008. His party has never been this strong and it is the most powerful component in Pakatan Rakyat.

The topic has yet to be confirmed but it will revolve around the future of the Chinese in the context of the 13th general election. The Chinese are now the most highly politicised community in the country and some are touting the forthcoming debate as a battle for the hearts and minds of the Chinese.

It is probably not that grandiose but it will be a platform for the two men to showcase where they stand on key issues affecting the Chinese. It will provide their audience a chance to assess their thinking and ability to argue under the glare of the spotlight. Of course it is also about scoring political points because the Chinese always look up to a leader who can hit out and also take the heat.

But, generally speaking, this sort of political debates should be a welcome development in Malaysian politics where politicians are given the chance for their personality to come through and more important, to demonstrate the depth of their intellect and knowledge.

Political debates are part of the democratic process and they are a sign of a maturing democracy.

In the United States, the debates by Republican and Democrat candidates fighting for their parties’ presidential nomination have a worldwide following. The debates provide a glimpse of the personality and thinking of the persons vying to be president.

It is surprising that there have not been more of such political debates in Malaysia because previous events have been quite encouraging and generated a great deal of interest. They were definitely a world apart from some of the wild and outrageous stuff one hears at political ceramah.

The most recent debate between two Chinese politicians – Lim and Gerakan president Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon – was in August 2008. It was touted as “Chief Minister versus ex-Chief Minister” and the topic concerned a land controversy in Penang.

Another Chinese debate that took place in the 1990s was between the then Youth chiefs of MCA and DAP, namely Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat and Lim, on the rather plebian topic of “Who is the political parasite?” Those who followed it said it was highly entertaining even though it was lacking in constructive purpose or value.

One of the most watched debates was the one between PKR de facto leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and then Information Minister Datuk Ahmad Shabery Cheek in 2008 where they argued about the rising price of oil and the opposition’s boast that if they came to power, they would reduce the oil price the next day.

It was quite brave of Shabery to take on Anwar given his reputation as an orator but both men actually did well with Anwar having the edge.

The 1980s was a period where PAS and Umno were constantly challenging each other to debate on whose party was more Islamic; it was the era of kafir-mengkafir, where each accused the other of being infidels. Umno was under a great deal of pressure from PAS for being in a coalition with non-Islamic parties. The big irony now is that PAS is doing the very same thing with DAP and PKR.

But around that time, Anwar, who had just joined Umno, had taken on PAS’ Datuk Hadi Awang on the subject at a debate hosted by the Malaysian Islamic Study Group in the University of Illinois, United States. It was a hot topic here even though it was happening far from home.
The most talked about debate in recent weeks is of course the one between Umno Youth leader Khairy Jamaluddin and PKR strategy chief Rafizi Ramli last month in the United Kingdom. The two Generation X politicians spoke quite impressively and in a very civil manner on whether Malaysia was moving in the right direction towards Vision 2020. The video on YouTube had about 64,000 views.

Khairy had also taken on PAS vice-president Datuk Husam Musa in Kota Baru in 2008. Khairy proved he was a “jantan (manly) politician” in taking on Husam in the PAS state and won admirers from both sides of the fence.

The Chua-Lim debate has the promise of being something quite different given the personalities of the two men and the fact that it is taking place at a critical intersection of Malaysian politics.

No change in debate topic   
Asli: Misunderstanding led to confusion 
By WONG PEK MEI   pekmei@thestar.com.my,  Monday February 13, 2012
 
PETALING JAYA: Asian Strategy and Leadership Institute (Asli) has stressed that there's no change in the topic of the Feb 18 debate between Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek and Lim Guan Eng.

Asli director and chief executive officer Datuk Michael Yeoh said they had never changed the topic “Is a two-party system becoming a race system” to “Future of the Malaysian Chinese”, as claimed by some.

“I think there might have been a misunderstanding. Both sides had already agreed on this topic,” he said, in response to Lim's claim that the title of the debate had been changed without his knowledge.

Yeoh said the “The Chinese at a Political Crossroads in the Next General Election” forum would be from 9am to 6pm while the much-anticipated debate between the MCA president and DAP secretary-general would be held from 5pm to 6pm.

The forum, to be conducted in Mandarin and English, at Berjaya Times Square next Saturday, is open to the public and entrance is free.

Yeoh said those interested in attending must call 03- 209305393 (Janet) to register.

Other than the debate, other topics to be discussed are the changing political landscape, the struggle of vernacular education, the social and cultural landscape in the country and the new Chinese dilemma.

Meanwhile, Astro Chinese Language Business head Choo Chi Han said the debate would be aired live from 5pm to 6pm on Astro AEC channel (301) but the channel would begin to broadcast at 4.30pm with a pre-panel discussion.

“The discussion will be moderated by AEC host Siow Hui Min while the guests appearance list is yet to be confirmed,” he said, adding that the discussion would be in Chinese.

The entire programme will be repeated at 11pm the same day after the channel's Evening Edition News.
Astro Awani (Channel 501) will also broadcast the debate, translated to Bahasa Malaysia, live. Details will be confirmed later.

Chinese voters will be more politically aware in next election, says Asli director  

By NG CHENG YEE chengyee@thestar.com.my,  Sunday February 12, 2012

PETALING JAYA: “The Chinese at a Political Crossroads in the Next General Election” forum is expected to raise political awareness and keep voters informed about their options in the next general election.

Asian Strategy and Leadership Institute (Asli) director and chief executive officer Datuk Michael Yeoh said the forum, organised by Asli and MCA think-tank Insap, would allow for intellectual discussions on the future of the Chinese community and the directions they could take in the next general election.

“We hope the forum will help people to make a more informed choice when they vote,” he said.

He said among the topics that would be discussed were the changing political landscape, the struggle of vernacular education, the social and cultural landscape in the country, the new Chinese dilemma and the much-anticipated debate between MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek and DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng.

Acknowledging that the interest in the forum had shot up due to the debate, Yeoh said it might involve heated arguments but he believed the speakers would do it rationally.

He said Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall chief executive officer Tan Ah Chai had been selected as the moderator of the debate.

On why the organiser shot down the proposal by Lim to have former MCA president Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat as the moderator, Yeoh said: “We wanted someone who does not have a political background.”

The forum will also involve speakers from both sides of the divide, including MCA deputy president Datuk Seri Liow Tiong Lai, SUPP president Datuk Seri Peter Chin, Gerakan president Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon, DAP deputy chairman Dr Tan Seng Giaw, Liberal Democratic Party president Datuk Liew Vui Keong and DAP strategist and international bureau secretary Liew Chin Tong.

Others include MCA Youth chief Datuk Dr Wee Ka Siong, MCA young professional bureau chief Datuk Chua Tee Yong, DAP deputy secretary-general Chong Eng, Gerakan secretary-general Teng Chang Yeow, DAP MP Teo Nie Ching and SUPP treasurer Datuk David Teng Lung Chi.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak will deliver the keynote address on “Succeeding with Political Transformation”.

The forum, to be conducted in Mandarin and English, will be held at Berjaya Times Square next Satur-day.

It is open to the public and entrance is free.

 Guan Eng: I agreed to a different debate topic

 Sunday February 12, 2012

BUTTERWORTH: DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng claims that the title for the Feb 18 debate with MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek has been changed without his knowledge.

The Penang Chief Minister, who declared on Friday that he would take on Dr Chua, said he did not know that the topic had been changed to the “Future of the Malaysian Chinese”, as claimed by some.

“It is not acceptable to talk about the Chinese community only, as DAP is for all Malaysians,” he said after meeting Village Safety and Develop­ment Committee (JKKK) members at the Dewan Besar Sungai Dua here yesterday.

The debate is to be held during the “The Chinese at a Political Crossroads in the Next General Election” forum organised by Asli and MCA think-tank Insap at Berjaya Times Square in Kuala Lumpur on Feb 18.

The debate will be aired over Astro AEC.

Related posts:

Malaysian Two Party System Becoming a Two-Race System?” A question of one or two sarongs!

Malaysian Politics: Chua-Lim Debate Sets New Standard

Malaysian Chinese Forum kicks off with a bang; Chua-Lim showdown!

Is the Two-Party-Sytem becoming a Two-Race-System? Online spars started ahead of tomorrow Chua-Lim debate! 

India Upgrades Its Military With China in Mind!

By NIRMALA GEORGE Associated Press 

India has decided to buy 126 fighter jets from France, taken delivery of a nuclear-powered submarine from Russia and prepared for its first aircraft carrier in recent weeks as it modernizes its military to match China's.


The documentary discusses how Indian economy compares to Chinese economy and the challenges faced by Indian economy in the years ahead. The documentary is in Hindi.

India and China have had tensions since a 1962 border war, and New Delhi has watched with dismay in recent years as Beijing has increased its influence in the Indian Ocean.

China has financed the development of ports in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Myanmar, and its recent effort to get access in the Seychelles prodded New Delhi to renew its own outreach to the Indian Ocean island state off western India.

With its recent purchases, running into tens of billions of dollars, India is finally working to counter what it sees as aggressive incursions into a region India has long dominated.

"The Indian military is strengthening its forces in preparation to fight a limited conflict along the disputed border, and is working to balance Chinese power projection in the Indian Ocean," James Clapper, the U.S. director of national intelligence, told a Senate committee last week.

India has created new infantry mountain divisions and plans to raise a strike corps aimed at countering aggression by China. Their border still has not been set despite 15 rounds of talks, and patrols frequently face off on the ground.

APFILE- In this March 29, 2011 file photo... View Full Caption

Analysts say that although the probability of a conflict between the two Asian giants is remote, a short, sharp conflict in the disputed Himalayan heights can't be ruled out.

"Over the last couple of years, the Chinese have been acting more and more aggressively in the political, diplomatic and military arena," said retired Brig. Gurmeet Kanwal, director of the Indian army-funded Centre for Land Warfare Studies in New Delhi.

Indian leaders and defense strategists have fretted as China modernized its forces and extended its military advantage over India. For some in India, countering China is taking precedence even over checking longtime rival Pakistan.

"Of late, there has been a realization (in India) that China is the real danger of the future," Kanwal said.

But Zhao Gancheng, an South Asian expert from the Shanghai Institute of Foreign Studies, said India's reasons for building up its military go well beyond China.

"Of course, India takes a cautious attitude against China due to some unsettled historical issues. But I still believe India's fundamental goal of developing the military ability is to become a globally big country," Zhao said. "Next, it wants to make certain preparation for so-called potential threats coming from China and other countries."

From China's perspective, India's military buildup is "not a main factor" in its defense plans, Zhao said. "Not many people in China regard India as a threat and China has no intention to take part in a military contest with India," he said.



The drive to modernize Indian forces was long overdue as much of the equipment was obselete Soviet-era weapons, and the orders for fighter jets, naval frigates, helicopters and armaments have made India the world's largest importer of arms. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute said India accounted for 9 percent of all the world's weapon imports in 2010, the latest year for which figures were available.

Last week's order of 126 combat aircraft, won by France's Dassault, followed a bitter battle by global jet manufacturers. The initial cost for the fighter jets is estimated as $11 billion, but on-board weaponry, technology transfers, maintenance, warranties and other costs are expected to almost double the price.

The Indian navy last week took command of a Russian Nerpa nuclear submarine, renamed INS Chakra-II, at the Russian port of Vladivostok, propelling India into an elite group of countries operating underwater nuclear-powered vessels. It joins the United States, France, Russia, Britain and China.

The Chakra-II, on lease for 10 years at a cost of nearly $1 billion, is expected to be inducted into the navy by March. Later this year, India is expected to take delivery of a retrofitted Soviet-built aircraft carrier.

In addition, six Scorpene subs being built in India under license from France in a $5 billion deal are expected to start going into service in 2015, three years behind schedule, said Defense Minister A.K. Antony. Labor problems and difficulties procuring needed technology have hampered the project, he told the Indian Parliament recently. Critics also blame India's sluggish bureaucracy for the delays.

"India's efforts at modernizing its forces have been very slow," said Rajeswari Pillai Rajagopalan, a defense analyst at the New Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation.

Some Indian military experts complain that the country is not doing enough to upgrade its forces to the level befitting the regional power it aspires to be.

APFILE- In this Feb. 9, 2009 file photo, an... View Full Caption

 

"It's not only China that is rising. India is on the ascent too, and it's a trend that will continue for some decades," said retired Air Vice Marshal Kapil Kak at the Centre for Air Power Studies in New Delhi.

India may be worrying over China's overtures to its neighbors, but New Delhi is reaching out to the Southeast Asian and East Asian countries in Beijing's backyard as well.

India has struck a strategic partnership with Vietnam, including helping Hanoi beef up its defense capabilities. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has been actively pursuing a "Look East" policy, engaging the leaders of South Korea, Japan, Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, among others. The policy has resulted in a troupe of high-level visits to India, bolstering trade and economic cooperation.

Nowhere is the contest between China and India more evident than in Myanmar, where both of the energy-seeking Asian giants are caught in a race to gain access to the country's natural gas sources.

India has regularly conducted defense exercises with countries in the region. It is scheduled to host the navies of 14 Asian countries in maritime exercises later this week; the Chinese and Pakistani navies have not been invited.

And, while India is increasing its defense capabilities, China is doing the same, but faster, making it difficult for India to catch up. The Chinese government's military budget is the second largest in the world after the United States.

India has raised two mountain divisions of soldiers to add to its existing high-altitude troops. Around 36,000 soldiers and officers of the divisions have been posted in the remote northeast, not far from India's Arunachal Pradesh state, which China claims as part of its territory.

A proposal for a mountain strike corps is awaiting clearance by India's Cabinet, and an independent armored brigade for the mountain region also is in the works. India hopes to show it can strike deep beyond its neighbor's borders to serve as a deterrent for any Chinese aggression, Kanwal said.

"India is building up its capability for offensive operations in the mountains with a view to taking the fight into Chinese territory," Kanwal said.

Singapore warns US on anti-China rhetoric!

By Shaun Tandon (AFP)

Suggestions on how to contain China's rise may spark reaction

WASHINGTON — Singapore urged the United States to be careful in comments on China, warning that suggestions of a strategy to contain the rising power could cause strife in Asia.

On a visit to Washington, Foreign Minister K. Shanmugam voiced confidence that the State Department accepted the need for cooperation with China but said that US domestic politics "resulted in some anti-China rhetoric."

Singaporean Foreign Minister and Minister for Law K. Shanmugam attends "The Singapore Conference" in Washington, DC, on Wednesday, Feb. 8, 2012. Shanmugam is currently visiting Washington to meet US policy makers. AFP PHOTO/JEWEL SAMAD

"We in Singapore understand that some of this is inevitable in an election year. But Americans should not underestimate the extent to which such rhetoric can spark reaction which can create a new and unintended reality for the region," he said.

Singapore is a close partner of Washington and home to a key US military logistical base.

But the city-state is highly dependent on trade and has sought smooth commercial relations with Asia's major economic powers such as China, Japan and India.

"It's quite untenable -- quite absurd -- to speak in terms of containment of China. That's a country with 1.3 billion people," Shanmugam told a conference on Singapore at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

China "is determined to progress in all fields and take its rightful place in the community of nations. It will succeed in that venture," he said.



The United States, while looking to trim spending on its giant military to tame a soaring debt, has set a priority on Asia as rapid economic growth and the rise of China look set to reshape the region.

The US military has sought closer cooperation with the Philippines and Vietnam, which have accused China of increasingly bellicose actions to assert control over disputed territories in the South China Sea.

Shanmugam said that the United States should also look at other ways of engagement in Asia such as pressing ahead with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, an emerging trade pact that involves at least nine countries.

It is "a mistake to focus only on the US military presence in the region, to the exclusion of other dimensions of US policy," he said.

President Barack Obama's administration has repeatedly said that it welcomes the rise of China and will try to find areas for cooperation.

Vice President Joe Biden, ahead of a US visit by his counterpart Xi Jinping, called in a statement Wednesday for the two powers to work together on "practical issues."

Addressing the same conference as Shanmugam, senior US diplomat Kurt Campbell agreed it was "very important we're careful about our rhetoric" and said that the United States wanted a relationship with China "based on the well-being" of both countries.

"Every country in Asia right now wants a better relationship with China. That's natural and any American strategy in the region has to be based on that fundamental recognition," said Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for East Asia.

"It is also the case that every country in Asia, I believe, also wants a better relationship with the United States," he said.

Shanmugam did not cite examples of "anti-China" comments in the United States, but a number of US lawmakers have raised fears about Beijing's rise.

At a congressional hearing Tuesday, Representative Dana Rohrabacher called for the United States to ramp up support for the Philippines to help the democratic US ally assert its claims in maritime disputes with China.

"We need to stand as aggressively and as solidly with the Filipino government in their confronting an aggressive, arrogant China -- expansionist China -- as we have stood with them against radical Islam," said Rohrabacher, a Republican from California.

Economic disputes with China have also come to the forefront.

In a recent television commercial that outraged Asian American groups, Representative Pete Hoekstra -- a Republican seeking a Senate seat in Michigan -- attacked his opponent with an advertisement criticizing US debt to China.

In the advertisement, a young Asian woman -- in a setting that looked more like Vietnam than China -- said in broken English, "Your economy get very weak; ours get very good."

Hang Tuah, etc. found not Malay but Chinese!

Origins of Hang Tuah ( and Hang Jebat Hang Lekiu etc)

By John Chow

Findings of the team of scientists, archaeologist, historian and other technical staff from the United State, United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, Yemen & Russia

The graves of Hang Tuah, Hang Jebat, Hang Lekiu and their close friends have been found and  their skeletons had been analysed.  Their DNA had been analysed and it is found that Hang Tuah, Hang Jebat, Hang Lekiu etc. are not Malay,  but Chinese  (Islamic Chinese,  just like the famous Admiral Cheng Ho).  Malacca was a protectorate of China at that time,  and the Emperor of China sent the Sultan of Malacca “yellow gifts’ as a token of his sovereignty.  The 5 warrior brothers were believed to be sent to help protect Malacca and its Sultan from Siam (Thailand). 

The Sultans of Malacca was directly descended from the Parameswara from Indonesia who fled to Tamasek (Singapore) and then to Malacca.  The Malaccan Sulatanate family eventually spread and became the Sultanate of the other Malay states of Perak and Johor.  Therefore,  the Sultanate royal court and the aristocrats of the Malay sultanates are actually foreigners from Sumatra and Java.  Hang Tuah and his friends were the protectors of the Indonesian aristocratic Parameswara family who came to Malaya around 1400 AD and claimed sovereignty of the land. 

For confirmation please refer to:-

The Federal Association of Arc & Research of Michigan, USA

John Chow’s notes:-

Hang is an unusual surname or name for a Malay. It sounds like s corruption of a Chinese surname.

In fact,Chinese names start with the surname first, and given names last.Malay names start with the given names first and the father’s name last(as in Ahmad bin Yusuf which means “Ahmad, the son of Yusuf).There is no surname in traditional Malay. There is no surname to carry forward to the next generation.

We also need to examine the genealogy.  We know that Hang Tuah’s father was Hang Mamat.  Here,  we do not see a Malay name transmission.  We see a name being carried forward.  It is also noted that the placement of the name that is carried forward is in front.  This indicates that the surname is “Hang”.  It is the transmission of Chinese names.  

We also know that Hang Tuah’s son is Hang Nadim.  Again,  the name “Hang” is carried forward,  and yet again,  auspiciously in front,  as a Chinese name would be,  with the surname in front.  There is no indication of a Malay naming convention.

Note that Hang Nadim is also known as Si Awang (Malays would colloquially refer to others as “Si”.   “A”  or “Ah” is a common prefix for referring to others in Chinese.  Thus,  a person with surname Wang/Huang would be referred to as “Si Ah Wang” in Malaysia  - Mr. Ah Huang) by the Malays. 

Note that Hang Tuah’s mother is Dang Merdu.  “Dang” would be quite an unusual surname for a Malay also.  However,  “Dang”  or “Tang” is a common Chinese surname.  Note that the name “Dang”  is in front,  signifying that this is a Chinese naming convention,  yet again. 

Some Malays will argue that “Hang” is an honorific term (Humba) for those that serve the royal courts.  http://www.freewebs.com/suaraanum/0506b02.htm   This argument is not tenable.  Firstly,  where is the precedence in sultanates that preceded the Malaccan Sultanate?  Secondly,  where is the evidence that this is so in succeeding sultanates?  Thirdly,  where is the evidence that this practice was carried out in the sultanate of that time?  And has that Sultan given it to other court official and the royal family and their court officials and courtesans?  Where is the evidence?  Fourthly,  since Hang Tuah’s father is called Hang Mamat,  then he would have served the Sultan prior to Hang Tuah.  But there is no evidence this is so.  In fact,  there is evidence that Hang Tuah was a very poor kid in the village.  His father was not a high court official,  and he was not brought up in the court.  In addition,  since if Hang Tuah’s father Hang Mamat had already served as a high court official,  why must Hang Tuah be educated in Bahasa Melayu and court etiquette etc. again since the family is already indoctrinated in royal protocol? 

"Dalam perbendaharaan nama-nama orang Melayu semasa zaman kesultanan Melaayu Melaka, tiada terdapat nama-nama seumpama Hang Tuah, Hang Kasturi, Hang Jebat, Hang Lekir, Hang Lekiu, ringkasnya ringkasan yang bermula dengan ¡®Hang¡¯. Sejarah juga telah mencatatkan nama-nama dari bangsa Cina yang bermula dengan Hang, Tan, Maa dan Lee. Ia bergantung kepada suku kaum atau asal-usul keturunan mereka dari wilayah tertentu dari China. Kemungkinan untuk mendakwa bahawa gelaran ¡®Hang¡¯ telah dianugerahkan oleh Raja-Raja Melayu juga tiada asasnya. "

The last sentence loosely translates as, "There's the possibility to propose that the term "Hang" conferred as a honorific by the Malay Kings also has no basis."

 Moreover,  before the time of the 5 warriors with their close families during this close period of relationship with the Chinese,  there are no Malays with this name.

Note that the Chinese ‘princess’ who married the Sultan of Malacca was called “Hang Li Po”.  Here,  we not only see the same name,  but the name is also in front,  indicating a Chinese naming convention.  Hang Li Po brought along with her many servants and bodyguards from China who became the Baba and Nyonya's of Malacca  -  these folk exist to this day.  Chinese who do not know how to speak or write Chinese.  They have been totally ‘malayanised”.  Babas are people of Chinese descend who have been malayanised to such an extent that they wear Malay clothing, eat Malay food (with some Chinese food), speak Malay, and do not speak or write Chinese.  Malacca is famous for its Baba communities.  The only thing that is Chinese about them is that they are of Chinese ancestry.  If you say that Hang Tuah is a Malay in the same sense that these Chinese have been malayanised,  then you might be quite right.  However,  at this present moment,  we are arguing on the basis whether he was an ethnic Malay or an ethnic Chinese,  in the sense of blood ancestry. . 

There is an old Chinese tradition where warriors or servants in the royal palace were given or re-issued with surnames given by the emperor,  to signify that they belong to the emperor,  or to one of his offsprings.  Therefore,  it is possible that some very special bodyguards of the emperor or the royal family,  have the same surname to signify that they are a unit formed especially to protect that one owner.  Since the Princess Hang Li Po was given away in marriage to a strategic partner whose land the emperor wanted to ensure is safe and stable,  he assigned a group of able warriors to the Princess Li Po,  and he gave their families the same surname.  This is not an unusual practice for the Chinese emperor. 

As for Hang Kasturi having 4 characters in his name,  it is unusual,  but it does happen that some Chinese have only 2 characters,  and some have 4 characters in their names.  For example,  my paternal grandmother had only 2 characters in her name. 

See: http://www.anu.edu.au/asianstudies/ahcen/proudfoot/mmp/rtm/teachers.html

 

In the GENEALOGICAL TREE OF THE ROYAL FAMILIES OF PERAK STATE  (http://www.geocities.com/aizaris/genealogy),  you may note 2 things:-

1)            Evidence that traditional Malay naming conventions do not carry the name of the father forward.

2)            There is no surname to carry forward

3)            Neither name nor surname are placed in front.

4)            The genealogy of the early part of the lineage tree makes reference to Chinese ancestry:-  “Putera   Chedra China”   “Puetra China”   and then later  “Paduka Sri Cina”  

This proves there has been early Chinese links in the Malay/Indonesian races and aristocratic lineages.

 One Malay argued that Hang Tuah was already in the service of the Sultan before Hang Li Po was sent to Malacca.  However,  there is not evidence of this.  A probable reference is the semi folklore Hikayat Hang Tuah,  whicjh is not very reliable as it has many contradiction to Sejarah Melayu.  From the Ming Dynasty chronicles does not mention Hang Li Po or Hang Tuah but did mention the trip of Sultan Mansur Shah.  See: http://thepenangfileb.bravepages.com/histr36.htm

It is even possible that Hang Li Po was a minor “princess”  (ie.  only a daughter of a court official) who the emperor ordered to be given away to marry a vassal sate in order to ensue loyalty and close diplomatic relation.  The whole event was blown up to given the foreign king a big ego boost that the great Chinese overlord gave him his own daughter in marriage!  (It is doubtful that the conservative Chinese emperors would give their daughters away to somebody living in a foreign land very far away).  It has happened before in the history of China.  For example,  the Tibetans think that their King Sonten Gampo forced the Chinese emperor to give away his daughter in marriage in order to make peace with great big powerful Tibet.  The story from the Chinese side is that the Chinese emperor tricked the egotistical Tibetan king into believing that the palace maid was a princess and sent her off with her retinue and gifts.  It was a ‘diplomatic trick”.  Therefore,  it is possible that the Chinese court repeated the trick on Sultan Mansur Shah,  and gave him a “Chinese princess” with many gifts for the Sultan.  In the meantime,  he sent some warriors to the Sultanate to help ensure peace, safety and stability in the region – all in China’s national interests.  Protect your friends and your interests will be protected.  Or it could have been a ploy used by the Chinese emperor and the Malaccan sultan to use this marriage of a “princess” to deter the Siamese kings from encroaching on Malaccan territory.   Siam would not dare to invade Malacca whose sultan is a son in law of the mighty Chinese empire!

Footnote:-

The 5 sworn brothers who studied and practised Silat together are:-

Hang Tuah, Hang Jebat, Hang Lekir, Hang Lekiu and Hang Kasturi. 

Further references:-

Serajah Melayu – History of the Malay Peninsula

http://www.sabrizain.demon.co.uk/malaya/parames.htm

Parameswara and the founding of the Sultanate of Malacca    by John Chow

 This is my limited understanding of this subject matter.

Related posts:

Malaysian History & Legend; facts & fallacies; myths ...

Hang-ups over Malaysian history 

'Occupy' protest, inside a revolution

Occupy! Scenes from Occupied Movement  

Books review by Andrew Ross guardian.co.uk, 

Occupy Wall Street demonstrators stage a march dressed as corporate zombies. Photograph: EMMANUEL DUNAND/AFP/Getty Images

Occupy Wall Street is wintering. That's not to say its seasoned recruits are taking time off, though there surely are equivalents of the "summer soldier and sunshine patriot" that Tom Paine invoked in his address to the Valley Forge winter encampment of the revolutionary Continental Army 236 years ago. But it's been business as usual at 60 Wall Street, in the cavernous atrium of the Deutsche Bank building, where OWS working groups have been meeting continuously since the early weeks of the occupation. In those well-attended huddles, all sorts of plans are being made for re-occupations in the months to come – an American Spring to rival the Arab one – and the air is thick with proposals for ever bolder actions.

1. Occupy!: Scenes from Occupied America
2. by Astra Taylor, Keith Gessen et al

Still, it's not a bad time to take stock of the early months of the movement. The publication of two books is an occasion either to reminisce about, or catch up with the momentous events that originated in Lower Manhattan just one week after the 10th anniversary of 9/11. The respective publishers, Verso and OR Books, are natural allies of the movement, and are to be saluted for delivering the first two book-length treatments – there will be many others in the year ahead.

Both volumes are documentaries of the heady life of the encampment at Zuccotti Park, though each book has a distinct flavour, and they deploy quite different methods of reporting. Occupy! Scenes From Occupied America reads like a series of diary entries – on-the-ground vignettes, testimonials of events, and snap analysis of where it might all be heading. Included are fragments of speeches by visiting luminaries – Angela Davis, Slavoj Žižek, Rebecca Solnit, Judith Butler – but the bulk of the entries are from writers with close ties to New York City's left-wing media organs: n+1, New Inquiry, Triple Canopy and Dissent. By contrast, Occupying Wall Street: The Inside Story of an Action that Changed America by Writers for the 99% (OR Books, £10) takes the form of a more orthodox narrative, quarried out of interviews from a field ethnography of Zuccotti Park undertaken by many hands and then polished by a team of writers.



Most of the contributors to these books are movement participants – not armchair analysts or journos on a short deadline – so the pages of each volume ring with authenticity.

On the face of it, any book about Occupy might have been superfluous. After all, the movement has been so meticulously documented by its own participants through a variety of media–official websites, blogs, tweets, livestreaming and other social media channels, in addition to alternative radio and TV, and a steady flow of pamphlets, gazettes, journals and other print outlets. Never has a protest movement documented and broadcast its doings in real time with such utter transparency and to such a far-flung audience. In some respects, the sheer volume of self-generated media has even pre-empted the need for conventional media coverage. Forging an alternative society – and many occupiers saw Zuccotti Park as a prefiguration, if not a microcosm, of such a society – requires the creation of your own autonomous institutions.

Despite this spate of agit-prop, reflection and analysis, the conventional book formats stand up quite well, and, on certain topics, are indispensable. Occupy! abounds with insights on how the occupiers have dealt with internal challenges to their experiment in direct democracy. A general assembly in full flow is a galvanic prospect; "more than one speaker," it is noted, publicly "expressed love for the general assembly".

But the GA's horizontal culture is also an open invitation to assassins of this kind of joy. Complaints about the neglect of race and gender are the most common, righteous cause of disturbance, and when the outcome reinforces the GA's reliance on the "progressive stack" – whereby speakers of (white, male-identified) privilege are encouraged to "step back" – the interference has an alchemy that is breathtaking.

Manissa Maharawal describes how she and other members of South Asians for Justice stood up to block the GA consensus on the Declaration of the Occupation of Wall Street: she "felt like something important had just happened, that we had just pushed the movement a little bit closer to the movement I would like to see".

GAs also attract their share of people "damaged by capitalism" and further frazzled by brutal policing and the roughneck life of 24/7 activism. Their fractious behaviour is at odds with the smoother, educated norms of civic speech, and they often violate the rules of GA process.

As the Zuccotti Park occupation wore on, the increasing presence of the homeless – the most vulnerable of the 99% – became the acid test of whether OWS was up to the task of heralding a new kind of society based on mutual aid. In the calendar entries of Occupy! this theme comes more and more to the fore. Indeed, Christopher Herring and Zoltán Glück's long meditation, "The Homeless Question" is worth the price of admission alone. Noting that some occupations – in Atlanta, Philadelphia and Oakland – had been more forthright in feeding and servicing the homeless, they faultlessly argue that the burgeoning unhoused population "should not be seen as a liability for the movement" (a not uncommon perception around OWS) "but a reminder of why the protest exists".

Occupying Wall Street offers a detailed rendering of how daily life was organised in the Zuccotti Park encampment. The challenge of accommodating the homeless is also part of its record of how quite different populations came to co-exist in the half-acre space. Most absorbing is the book's account of the social geography of the park, conspicuously visible in the divide between its east end, where ideological open-endedness prevailed, and the west side, or self-styled "ghetto", where the more radical groupings set up shop, along with the drum circle. As one of the westenders, a member of Class War Camp, put it, "This side of the camp isn't for reform. This side's for revolution, you know?" Unlike the east side "liberal college kids", he added, "we have nothing to lose. We don't want to fix the system, we want to fucking burn it to the ground."

Writers for the 99% (the book's collective of writers) do not shy away from pointing out that the less educated, poorer and more precarious sleepers in the "ghetto" were not only underserviced by OWS's support systems, but also lacked ready access to the resources offered by sympathetic residents of Lower Manhattan.

Such observations highlight just how difficult it is to expunge the toxic residue of race and class that poisons our existing society. For those who want Occupy to be a living, breathing alternative, every act of fellow-feeling is an opportunity to set a better norm. As many occupiers say, "the process is the product".

• Andrew Ross's Nice Work If You Can Get It is published by NYUP.