A supporter lines up to pay her last respects to late Venezuelan 
President Hugo Chavez, outside the Military Academy in Caracas on March 
8, 2013. Venezuela gave Hugo Chavez a lavish farewell on Friday at a 
state funeral that brought some of the world's most notorious strongmen 
to... 
THE
 expected death of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez from cancer has 
produced predictable reactions all-round. The left mourned a fallen hero
 who had “made” a revolution, the right basked in quiet hopefulness for 
change, and the rest offered condolences to the extent their politics 
afforded.
Yet the leader who broke the mould of Venezuelan 
politics seemed to deserve less conventional responses to his 14 years 
of reshaping the country.
In an otherwise balanced airing, the 
BBC featured pundits variously calling Chavez “a communist” and 
“anti-American”, blithely repeating the familiar line about his links 
with Iranian and Russian counterparts being merely superficial.
CNN
 took a business angle in accusing Chavez of under-investing in 
Venezuela’s oil sector. And so on. Critics elsewhere alleged that he was
 just another Latin American strongman who promoted the cult of the 
individual and undermined democratic institutions.
Evidently, 
Chavez did not dampen public enthusiasm for his leadership. But his 
failure in upholding democratic institutions applies particularly only 
within the narrow context of formal democratic procedure.
His 
biggest contribution to Venezuela is to awaken the people to their 
democratic birthrights like adequate housing, healthcare and education.
This
 change has been so profound as to remake national politics, so that 
even opposition politicians now have to promise the same thing, only 
more. In a primal democratic institution and process, the masses would 
vote with their feet against any candidate who dared to offer the people
 less.
This transformation is further based on overturning 
decades of unquestioned allegiance to the Washington Consensus of “open 
markets”, “privatisation” and “deregulation”. A Latin America that has 
changed thus is not about to change back too soon.
True enough, 
Chavez had been a Latin American strongman. But that quality was more 
cultural than political, as he adopted the classically paternalistic, 
macho style of the Latin caudillo.
The difference, again, is that while previous Latin American caudillos tended to be pro-US right-wing dictators, Chavez was not that. So he is regarded differently or not at all.
There
 is no doubt that Chavez and his policies were popular and not just 
populist. One of the biggest problems for his opponents has been his 
transformation of the state to serve public, rather than privileged 
private, interests.
Critics have also tended to fundamentally 
misread history, believing that Chavez had reinvented Venezuela. The 
reality is that Chavez himself had been a product of the times in the 
region, rather than the other way round.
The same regional moment
 had also produced similarly progressive leaders in Argentina, Bolivia, 
Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Peru
 and Uruguay. This so-called “turn to the left” in the region may 
instead be named the “Latin Spring”.
Since the turn of the 
century, the movement swept a region like the “Arab Spring” later did, 
but with key differences. The Latin Spring involved more countries, far 
more people, and was established democratically rather than through 
bloodshed and foreign military intervention.
But despite its 
strengths, it was not regarded positively by the Western establishment 
and mainstream media, because another key difference was that it went 
against Western-friendly despots rather than Western-averse ones.
And
 Chavez was placed at the head of the movement because Venezuela was 
seen to have started it all. From the lack of a positive reception came 
the negative perceptions.
But the fact is that neither Chavez nor
 any other individual, however gifted, could have masterminded or 
stage-managed a historic regional movement even if he wanted to.
The
 various Latin American countries are all sovereign nation states 
dominated by no single individual. There is also no single power 
“guiding” them other than the US that had done so before.
The new
 era is one of each country taking charge of its own affairs for itself,
 based on the people taking charge of the state. The time of death 
squads, Iran-Contras and transnational corporations lording it over the 
peasants is past.
It happened before, but in piecemeal fashion: 
the fall of Nicaragua’s Somoza, Bolivia’s Suarez and Chile’s Pinochet. 
It was never a broad movement like today’s.
The scale and reach 
of the present movement is much larger than any single country’s 
experience. It is also set to outlive individuals like Chavez.
Failing
 to recognise this will mean failing to deal adequately with these 
countries, at a time in history when they are also becoming more 
important. It would also allow Cold War ideology to claim more unwitting
 victims.
Chavez’s opponents and critics have long linked him 
with Cuba’s Fidel Castro, an apparent error that is true and justified 
but only unintentionally. Like Castro, he was essentially a Third World 
nationalist pushed into making less than ideal linkages around the globe
 by default.
But today’s newly awakened Latin America cannot be 
pushed into the fold of a non-existent Soviet Union, nor of a Russia or 
China too preoccupied with its own internal challenges and anxious only 
for foreign markets or sources of raw materials.
Instead, they 
are more likely to be pushed more closely to one another, finding common
 cause among themselves and in relation to Washington and its 
Consensus”. The new Latin America will remain different from before, 
long after Chavez ‘s presidency despite its significant national 
contribution to it.
Behind The Headlines by BUNN NAGARA
Related post:
http://youtu.be/jFqcMG6XjgQ
 


 
 

 
 





