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Showing posts with label Abdul Hadi Awang. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Abdul Hadi Awang. Show all posts

Wednesday, August 31, 2022

PAS president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang Racist comments: non-Muslims and non-bumiputra are the causes of corruption in the country

Bukit Aman corporate communications head Asst Comm Skandaguru Anandan said Abdul Hadi was called up by investigators on Monday (Aug 29).

"He was accompanied by his lawyer and he gave his cooperation throughout the recording of his statement," ACP Skandaguru said in a statement.

He said the investigations were conducted by the Bukit Aman CID Special Investigation Unit.

It is learnt that Abdul Hadi arrived at the federal police headquarters at about 3pm and left around 5.50pm.

It was reported that investigations were underway on the matter, with 28 reports already lodged against the Marang MP for his comments.

ACP Skandaguru also urged the public not to speculate or make any statements that could disrupt the investigation process.

Investigations are being conducted under Section 505(C) of the Penal Code and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998.

Section 505(c) of the Penal Code is for making, publishing or circulating any statement, rumour or report with intent to incite or which is likely to incite any class or community of persons to commit any offence against any other class or community of persons.

Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 is for improper use of network facilities or network services.

Abdul Hadi came under fire for claiming that the root cause of corruption in the country was the influence non-Malays wielded over the economy and politics.

He said this had allowed non-Malays to dictate terms to the Malays, which in turn made the Malays become corrupted and entangled in financial scandals.

The PAS leader’s comments were roundly criticised by many Malaysians.

MCA secretary-general Datuk Chong Sin Woon had expressed shock at Abdul Hadi’s statement and demanded that he withdraw it immediately.

He said that corruption had nothing to do with race or religion.

“This is an obvious fact and basic common sense.”

He said Abdul Hadi had failed to prove his accusations with facts, analysis, empirical evidence or scientific grounds.

“This indicates that his allegations are utter nonsense,” he added.

G25 slams Hadi over remark | The Star


 







Bukit Aman probing Zahid's speech at Umno special briefing



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Sunday, May 29, 2016

No room for an Islamic State (IS) and the racists in multiracial Malaysia

THREE issues that have surfaced over the past week have terribly disturbed me and I am sure many Malaysians who are rational, reasonable and fair-minded feel the same way. More than that, these actions are slowly eroding the Malaysia that we know.

Minister in charge of Islamic Affairs Datuk Seri Jamil Khir Baharom told Parliament that unilateral conversions are lawful and gua­ranteed under the Federal Constitution.

This writer does not know if Jamil understood what he was reading out, which was presumably prepared by an official, or if he had referred to the Cabinet papers or read up on the Federal Constitution.

There is a 2009 Cabinet directive on uni­lateral conversion and early this year, a five-member Cabinet committee on unilateral conversion also decided that no child can be converted to another religion without the consent of both parents.

The 2009 Cabinet directive also stipulated that children must follow the practised religion of the parents at the time of marriage in the event that one of them converts.

Surely Jamil must be aware of the committee because he is also a member. Among the others in the panel are Transport Minister Datuk Seri Liow Tiong Lai and Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Tan Sri Joseph Kurup.

The other members of the committee are Tourism and Culture Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Nazri Aziz, de facto law minister Nancy Shukri, and Health Minister Datuk Seri Dr S. Subramaniam.

Jamil and his officials cannot read the Federal Constitution – specifically the provision for conversion – in isolation.

The argument of the singular meaning for “parent” does not hold water as the Interpretation Act 1948 & 1967 clearly indicates otherwise; the term “parent” in Article 12 (4) must necessarily mean both the father and mother.

To construe otherwise would mean depriving, for example, a mother of her rights as a parent to choose the religion of her infant under Article 12 (4), if the father alone decides. In simple English, the Interpretation Act stipulates “parent” to mean plural, not singular.

The Interpretation Acts of 1948 and 1967, which generally apply to all Acts of Parliament, state that words in the singular shall include the plural. Therefore, the Constitution ought to be interpreted in like manner.

Jamil should also put himself in the shoes of other Malaysians, especially non-Muslims. He may be in charge of Islamic Affairs but he is also a leader of all Malaysians.

I don’t think Jamil will be a happy man if his spouse makes a decision without telling him, and we are not even talking about religious issues.

Lest we forget, the Federal Court has ruled that Hindu mother M. Indira Gandhi is allowed to challenge the validity of the unilateral conversion of her three children by her Muslim-convert ex-husband Muhammad Riduan.

The ruling is the culmination of the interfaith custody battle between Indira and Muhammad Riduan that began in 2009. They were married as Hindus and today, no one has been able to trace the whereabouts of Muhammad Riduan (formerly K. Pathmanathan), who had converted the couple’s three children – then aged 12, 11 and 11 months – to Islam without their presence or Indira’s knowledge, just six days before he obtained a custody order for all three in the Syariah Court on April 8, 2009.

Another big surprise last week was the Government’s decision to allow PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang to table a Private Member’s Bill in the Dewan Rakyat to amend the Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act 1965.

On Thursday, it was at the bottom of the day’s agenda but it was prioritized by two Federal Ministers. It came as a surprise because PAS has brought the Private Member’s Bill four times since 1995, and has never succeeded. On Thurday, Hadi got this first step.

We can be sure that Hadi will repeat his mantra that the Bill only seeks to empower the Syariah Courts and it only involves Muslims.

When tabling the Bill, he said it seeks to amend Section 2 of the Act to state that the Syariah Courts will have jurisdiction over Muslims, and in the case of offences on matters listed in Item 1 of the State List under the Ninth Schedule of Federal Laws.

He said it is also to include Section 2A, which states that in the conduct of criminal law under Section 2A, the Syariah Courts have the right to impose penalties allowed by Syariah laws related to offences listed in the said section, in addition to the death penalty.

What Hadi is pushing for is unacceptable. We live in a plural society. Those who argue that the Syariah law is only for Muslims may have missed this point – can anyone in Malaysia guarantee that crimes would only involve Muslim criminals and victims?

Many kinds of criminal acts affect non-Muslims, including rape. If we follow what Hadi is preaching – we will have to find four male witnesses of repute to testify in a rape case. Women witnesses are not accepted and we wonder where we are going to find four men of good reputation in relation to a rape case.

If non-Muslims already find that judges in civil courts are reluctant to adopt a firm stand on the civil rights of the aggrieved non-Muslim party, we wonder how the Syariah Courts can defend the interest of non-Muslims.

There cannot be a parallel criminal justice system with Muslims and non-Muslims subjected to two different laws. This is not about Islam, as advocated by Hadi and PAS, but simple common sense. But of course, common sense is not that common in PAS but we hope there will be a sense of fair play from Umno, and not the agenda dictated by the likes of Jamil. Sometimes we wonder if Jamil is really from Umno or PAS.

The third disappointment must be a speech made by Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaacob, the controversial Rural and Regional Development Minister, who is well known for his communal remarks.

Last week, he reminded his listeners that Malays must unite to prevent non-Muslims from becoming Prime Minister because the Federal Constitution is silent on the racial origin of the top boss.

First of all, I cannot imagine any non-Malay aspiring to be the PM because, accept it, realistically it is not going to happen in my lifetime. It took 200 years in the United States for a black man to become president, even when the whites and blacks are mainly Christians and speak English.

But it is sad that in this age and time, Ismail is still looking inward and seeing things through his racist lens. Surely, he must have applauded when a Muslim became the first mayor of London, and for that matter, the first mayor in a big Western city.

Even in Jakarta, the capital of the world’s largest Muslim country, a Christian Chinese has been voted in as the city’s governor.

The non-Malays, especially the Chinese, are aware of their position as a minority in Malaysia. Politicians like Ismail should stop using phrases like “they” and “us” in his speeches, because we are all Malaysians.

What he has said serves little purpose, except to hurt feelings unnecessarily. A true mature Malaysian leader will talk about the strength of all Malaysians, regardless of their race and religion, coming together and not going separate ways.

As one lawyer put it aptly in his article, Malaysia is represented by at least 45% of the population who have faiths other than Islam. The important question one needs to address is the line between maintaining social stability and securing individual rights of religious practice and freedom of religion.

He further added, “this needs to be re-evaluated – where the politicisation of the Muslim rights over the non-Muslim citizens and fear mongering has had considerable effect in defining the parameters of the fundamental rights afforded to the citizen by the Constitution.”

Three months from now, Malaysia will celebrate its National Day. As we replay the old visual of Tunku Abdul Rahman raising his hand at Stadium Merdeka, let us not forget that the Alliance created Malaysia as a secular democracy.

Tunku would have been horrified at the thought of what Hadi and his PAS theolo­gians want to do with Malaysia.

He would have also reminded a few Umno leaders, who have no sense of history, that our Independence was made possible because of the unity of Umno, MCA and MIC, and that without Sabah and Sarawak, there would be no Malaysia.

So please think carefully of the hearts and minds of the rest of Malaysians who do not live in Kelantan and do not want to see Malaysia turned into an Islamic State. Let not the first brick be laid.

By Wong Chun Wai The Star

Wong Chun Wai began his career as a journalist in Penang, and has served The Star for over 27 years in various capacities and roles. He is now the group's managing director/chief executive officer and formerly the group chief editor.

On The Beat made its debut on Feb 23 1997 and Chun Wai has penned the column weekly without a break, except for the occasional press holiday when the paper was not published. In May 2011, a compilation of selected articles of On The Beat was published as a book and launched in conjunction with his 50th birthday. Chun Wai also comments on current issues in The Star.


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Wednesday, July 13, 2011

Changes & Reforms - a case of two opposing sides in Malaysia




A case of two opposing sides

CERITALAH By KARIM RASLAN

We’ve reached a point where it doesn’t matter who brings the change – BN or PR, conservative or liberal, socialist or right-wing. Malaysians will get behind whoever is the most sincere in taking us out of this mess. 

Voices from Malaysian: 
 Patrick Teoh

Teoh has come a very long way from his days as an announcer on the Rediffusion private radio station before establishing himself as one of the pioneers in mobile discos. In fact, till today people still associate Teoh with his voice though he is also into the arts and theatre.

Watch and listen his Video:

LAST weekend’s thwarted march wasn’t an ordinary incident – it reveals two radically different world views.

While the march was nominally non-political, the chasm between the two forces – the Government and the demonstrators – clearly mirrors the increasingly acrimonious split between Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Rakyat (PR).

Of course, a deeply divided political terrain is always troubling, however, it is at least proof of a dynamic and thriving public discourse.

Ironically, the opposition, despite being excluded from the mainstream media, is clearly setting the terms of this debate.

It also shows that Malaysia remains a democracy – albeit a flawed one.

Indeed, I’d argue that the intensity of the discourse over the past few weeks highlights quite how much we Malaysians care about the state of our nation.

We can see and feel that the state is becoming more polarised – and in such a situation, we are being forced to choose sides.



Sitting on the fence is no longer a viable option – especially when the fence is been shaken so hard by the two opposing sides. However, there are some positives. Most notably the fact that the divide is not racial despite what some politicians are alleging.

In fact there are Malays, Indians, Chinese, Iban, Kadazan, Muslims, Christians, Buddhists and Hindu on both sides of the debate. Indeed, the struggle has gone way beyond racial and religious lines.

Instead we are tussling over political philosophies and principles.

While the differences are certainly stark, their mere existence indicates a certain maturing of our political system presenting us with the alluring prospect of a two-party system.

I must stress that the racial diversity on both sides represents a steadying force – anchoring us together as a nation.

And yes, you could say, it underlines the fact that we are debating a truly Malaysian set of issues.

So what are these substantive political differences? Well, for a start, they transcend mere personality.

On one hand, we have a strident Umno-led Government demanding the continuation of the status quo.

In this respect, Umno is very definitely a conservative (small “c”) force – defending and promoting the interests of the influence-bearing classes.

It’s arguable that Umno’s small businessmen/contractors have adopted the mindset and behaviour of the many minor aristocrats and noblemen that once surrounded Malaysia’s many istana (or palaces) jockeying for favours and/or contracts.

The current Umno vision is retrogressive – it looks back to the party’s heyday under Tun Abdul Razak and Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

It is not a dynamic, expansive vision – witness the primordial and unavoidable cry for Malay unity interspersed with Malay rights.

As with those enamoured and indeed obsessed by the past there is a paranoia and fear of change. Understandably then, any concession or reform is seen of as an affront to Umno’s domination, dignity and integrity.

On the other, you have what is essentially a socialist front in Pakatan Rakyat.

They claim to represent the interest of the rakyat – the ordinary people, taking a moral high-ground on issues such as corruption, mismanagement and civil liberties.

They know the language of the people – focusing on day-to-day issues from rising food prices to the quality of education.

Obviously my formulation ignores the inconsistencies, but there’s no denying the socio-economic and “class” basis to this struggle.

At the same time the respective leaders play up these associations because politics – let’s face it – is also theatre and understatement doesn’t play to the gallery.

Returning to Pakatan, I must point out that the coalition’s very new-ness means they are much more flexible, less rigid and accepting.

Indeed, Hadi Awang’s courageous stance on Negara Kebajikan is an indication of the extent to which Pakatan is exploring new paradigms.

Of course, PAS carry a certain baggage themselves. For example, will the gentle and considerate PAS of today be replaced by a morally sanctimonious force once in power?

At a time when technology is changing so rapidly, (iPad succeeded by iPad2, just when you’ve begun to understand it), we’ve got to accept political systems have to change as well.

But will the face-off between the two opposing forces benefit us – the rakyat?

Well, I for one am confident that there will be change and that we as a nation desperately need that change.

Indeed, we’ve reached a point where it doesn’t actually matter who brings the change – BN or PR, conservative or liberal, socialist or right-wing.

Malaysians will rally behind whoever is the most sincere in taking us out of this mess, just as Ronnie Reagan and later Obama inspired their respective voters.

Ironically, after all this talk of substantive politics we’re back where we started with character and personality.

So, we have to batten down, wait, watch and judge because at the end of the day we, the people are sovereign and through the ballot box, we can kick out those who’ve let us down.

So carry on ladies and gentlemen of the political world, we’re watching and evaluating your performance.

Saturday, July 9, 2011

Bersih D-Day: 1,667 arrested in Malaysian protest after police locking down capital Kuala Lumpur




Malaysia police arrest more than thousand protesters

Romen Bose and Julia Zappei July 9, 2011 - 10:39PM
Malaysian police have fired teargas and water cannon, making 1400 arrests during clashes with protesters who defied government warnings to rally in the capital for electoral reform.

Leaders of opposition parties were among those detained during a massive security operation, but it failed to thwart the outlawed demonstration, which saw 50,000 citizens take to the streets of Kuala Lumpur, according to organisers.

Protesters faced baton-wielding riot officers in front of a downtown bus station, retreating at times and regrouping to push back police lines in a cat-and-mouse confrontation that took place in a downpour.



Some demonstrators fought back by picking up teargas canisters, which they lobbed at police, AFP reporters said.

Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim was injured during the protest when he fell on to the pavement after a teargas attack and was taken to a hospital as he was feeling unwell, an aide said.

The protesters dissolved into three main groups, and by late afternoon all were trying to force their way through a tight police cordon to a stadium and then to the king's palace to hand over a memorandum detailing their demands.

The police line, however, held firm.

"Why is the government trying to intimidate citizens?" said Mohamad Manij Abdullah, 50, a businessman who joined the rally.

"We are only trying to reform elections and have a free and fair government," he told AFP.

National police chief Ismail Omar told a news conference police had detained 1401 people and were investigating them for illegal assembly although many were expected to be released on bail.

Ismail said barricades around the capital Kuala Lumpur, which had turned it into a ghost town since midnight, would be dismantled if there were no further incidents.

Among those arrested were protest leader Ambiga Sreenivasan and Maria Chin Abdullah. Ambiga told AFP she was freed later on Saturday without being charged.

Abdul Hadi Awang, president of the Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party (PAS), the country's largest Islamic opposition grouping, was also arrested.

The protesters rallied in several areas of the city, but later began to disperse, said Subramaniam Pillay, one of the organisers, who described the day as "a great success".

Student Chew Ai Nee, 30, said: "We have to take to the streets because we have not been given any opportunity to express our demands for change ... the government cannot silence us when we march."

Many of the protesters were shouting "Reformasi!" (Reforms), "God is great" and "Long Live the People".

However, Mukhriz Mahathir, a leading member of the powerful United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), told AFP the government had to act to prevent anarchy.

"We cannot allow a minority group to protest and stir trouble in the country," he said, accusing protesters of provoking the police into firing teargas "so that they can accuse the government of being heavy-handed".

UMNO is the dominant party in the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition led by Prime Minister Najib Razak.
New York-based watchdog Human Rights Watch (HRW) denounced the arrests.

"This is a maelstrom of the Malaysian authorities' own making," said Phil Robertson, deputy director for HRW's Asia Division.

Downtown Kuala Lumpur, normally a hive of activity on weekends, was deserted as major roads into the commercial and tourist district were sealed off.

Meanwhile, about 30 Malaysians living in South Korea rallied in Seoul in support, with another 80 marching through central Hong Kong.

Organisers had called for solidarity walks and demonstrations in countries including Australia, Cambodia, Japan, the United States and Taiwan.

The demonstrators want reforms, including the eradication of vote buying and the prevention of irregularities such as people illegally voting several times during elections.

Bersih (which means clean in the Malay language), which organised the protest, wants to see the use of indelible ink to prevent multiple voting, equal access to the media for all parties and the cleaning-up of electoral rolls.

Malaysia's opposition made major gains in 2008 elections against the ruling coalition, but said they could have won more if voting rules were fair.

The country's next elections are widely expected to be called early next year, with the opposition aiming to end Barisan's half-century rule.

© 2011 AFP

In Pictures: Protests suppressed in Malaysia
Police fired tear-gas and arrested hundreds of protesters in Kuala Lumpur who were calling for electoral reforms.
Last Modified: 09 Jul 2011 13:39

More than 20,000 people demonstrated for electoral reforms across Kuala Lumpur, the Malaysian capital, on Saturday in a rare protest that was declared illegal by police. The protest was called for by opposition groups, including the Coalition for Free and Fair Elections, Bersih (Clean). Police fired tear-gas and water cannons at demonstrators and arrested more than 1,400 people, including top opposition leaders, according to protest organisers. The activists' demands include an overhaul of voter registration lists, tougher measures to curb fraud and fairer opportunities for opposition politicians to campaign in government-linked media. Malaysia's next general election is planned due in 2013.

1) With Kuala Lumpur under police lockdown since the morning, protesters tried to gather and seek refuge inside a railway station before being led outside by police where many were detained and put into police vans. [Saeed Khan/AFP]

2) Protesters display the yellow shirts of the Coalition for Free and Fair Elections, or Bersih (Clean}, during a rally calling for electoral reforms in Kuala Lumpur [Ahmad Yusni/EPA]

3) Riot police stand making a cordon in front of Malaysia's iconic twin towers before demonstrators gather [Saeed Khan/AFP]

4) A Bersih supporter shouts at police during clashes in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Shahir Omar/Reuters]

5) Police use a water cannon to spray Bersih supporters in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Samsul Said/Reuters]

6) A Bersih supporter throws a water bottle at a police water-cannon truck [Mohd Rasfan/AFP]

7) Police face off against thousands of Bersih supporters [Saeed Khan/AFP]

8) A Bersih supporter holds the Malaysian flag in front of a police water cannon [Damir Sagolj/Reuters])

9) Police in riot gear march under heavy rain toward protesters calling for electoral reforms [Saeed Khan/AFP

10) Police face off against thousands of protesters in a scene shrouded by tear gas [Saeed Khan/AFP]

11) A Bersih supporter is detained by police during protests in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Damir Sagolj/Reuters]

12) A Bersih supporter is detained by police during protests in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Saedd Khan/AFP]

13) Bersih supporters are detained by police during protests in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Damir Sagolj/Reuters]

14) Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim (C) is surrounded by supporters, one of whom is injured, after a protest in Kuala Lumpur calling for electoral reforms [AFP]

15) Bersih supporters chant slogans during a protest calling for electoral reforms in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Damir Sagolj/Reuters]

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Malaysia police detain hundreds at rally

Police fire teargas as more than 20,000 demonstrators demand electoral reform during five-hour standoff in Kuala Lumpur

Associated Press in Kuala Lumpur guardian.co.uk,
Malaysia protests
Malaysian police attempt to detain protesters during clashes in Kuala Lumpur on 9 July. Photograph: Damir Sagolj/Reuters

Police fired teargas and detained hundreds of activists as more than 20,000 demonstrators gathered across Malaysia's capital on Saturday, demanding electoral reforms in the country's biggest political rally in years.

The opposition-backed rally was the culmination of weeks of intense pressure on the government of prime minister Najib Razak to make election laws fairer and more transparent before general elections expected to take place by mid-2012.

Demonstrators marched in defiance of Najib's administration, which has declared the rally illegal and warned people to avoid it.

Opposition leaders accuse Najib's National Front coalition of relying on fraud to preserve its 54-year grip on power, which has been eroded in recent years amid allegations of corruption and racial discrimination. The government insists the current electoral policies are fair.



Authorities took extraordinary security measures to deter the rally by sealing off roads, closing train stations and deploying trucks with water cannons near the Independence Stadium in central Kuala Lumpur, where activists sought to gather.

Police said in a statement they had detained 924 people, including senior opposition officials, in what they called Operation Erase Bersih, referring to the Bersih (Clean) coalition of groups behind the rally.

Thousands tried to reach the stadium from various parts of Kuala Lumpur, chanting "Long live the people", and carrying yellow balloons and flowers as they marched.

Police fired numerous rounds of teargas and chemical-laced water in repeated attempts to disperse the crowds, causing demonstrators to scatter into nearby buildings and alleys before regrouping.
Police helicopters flew overhead as a brief downpour failed to deter the protesters.

The demonstrators finally dispersed after a five-hour standoff with police. Only several hundred reached the stadium.

Najib insisted on Saturday that the protesters represent a minority, and that most Malaysians support his administration. "If there are people who want to hold the illegal rally, there are even more who are against their plan," the prime minister was quoted as saying by the national news agency, Bernama.

Witnesses said riot police armed with batons charged at some protesters and dragged them into trucks. Some were seen bleeding, but police could not confirm any injuries.

The opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim said on Twitter that he had sustained a "minor injury" when his group was hit by teargas. The Malaysiakini news website said he had a knee injury.

The crackdown "stirred a sense of outrage against the exhibition of raw power by our government", the Bersih coalition leader Ambiga Sreenavasan told reporters. "What is the necessity for a show of might against right? No matter what, right will always prevail," she said, minutes before police detained her and other Bersih officials.

Activists estimated that the total number of demonstrators exceeded 20,000 people, making it Malaysia's biggest street rally since 2007. Some independent news websites estimated there were tens of thousands of people, but authorities did not immediately have an official figure.

The rally has galvanised the opposition and has been credited for a surge in political awareness among the public in recent weeks. Meanwhile, government officials accuse Anwar's three-party alliance of endorsing the rally to cause chaos on the streets and undermine the National Front.

Over the past two weeks, more than 200 other activists have been arrested nationwide for trying to promote the rally. Six are being held under security laws that allow indefinite detention without trial. Most of the others have been released, but some have been charged with laws banning activities linked to illegal assemblies. They face several years in prison if convicted.

The activists' demands include an overhaul of voter registration lists, tougher measures to curb fraud and fairer opportunities for opposition politicians to campaign in government-linked media. The National Front's mandate expires in mid-2013 but many analysts expect elections to be called by next year.

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Hundreds arrested in Malaysian protest

(Agencies)

Hundreds arrested in Malaysian protest
Supporters of the "Bersih" electoral reform coalition are ushered into a police truck near the National Museum after being detained before a planned Bersih rally in Kuala Lumpur July 9, 2011. [Photo/Agencies]


KUALA LUMPUR - Malaysian Police fired tear gas and detained hundreds of activists as more than 20,000 demonstrators massed Saturday across Malaysia's main city demanding electoral reforms in the country's biggest political rally in years.

The opposition-backed rally was the culmination of weeks of intense pressure on Prime Minister Najib Razak's long-ruling coalition to make election laws fairer and more transparent ahead of national polls widely expected by mid-2012.

Demonstrators marched in defiance of Najib's administration, which has declared the rally illegal and warned people repeatedly to avoid it.

Opposition leaders accuse Najib's National Front coalition of relying on fraud to preserve its 54-year grip on power, which has been eroded in recent years amid mounting complaints about corruption and racial discrimination. The government insists the current electoral policies are evenhanded.

Authorities took extraordinary security measures to deter Saturday's rally by sealing off roads, closing train stations and deploying trucks mounted with water cannons near the Independence Stadium in downtown Kuala Lumpur, where activists sought to gather.

Nevertheless, thousands tried to reach the stadium from various parts of Kuala Lumpur, chanting "Long live the people" and carrying yellow balloons and flowers as they marched.

Police fired numerous rounds of tear gas and chemical-laced water in repeated attempts to disperse the crowds, causing demonstrators to scatter into nearby buildings and alleys before they regrouped. Police helicopters flew overhead as a brief downpour failed to deter the protesters.



Najib insisted Saturday the protesters only represent a minority, and that most Malaysians support his administration.

"If there are people who want to hold the illegal rally, there are even more who are against their plan," the prime minister was quoted as saying by the national news agency, Bernama.

The federal police force said in a statement that it detained 670 people in a clampdown called "Operation Erase Bersih," referring to the Bersih coalition of civic groups organizing the rally. Those arrested included several senior opposition officials.

Witnesses said riot police armed with batons charged at some protesters and dragged them into trucks. Some were seen bleeding, but police could not confirm any injuries.

Anwar Ibrahim, Malaysia's top opposition figure, said on Twitter that he sustained a "minor injury" when his group was hit by tear gas. The Malaysiakini news website said he had a knee injury.

The crackdown "stirred a sense of outrage against the exhibition of raw power by our government," Bersih coalition leader Ambiga Sreenavasan told reporters.

"What is the necessity for a show of might against right? No matter what, right will always prevail," she said, minutes before police detained her and other Bersih officials as they walked to the stadium.

As the afternoon progressed, activists estimated the total number of demonstrators exceeded 20,000 people, making it Malaysia's biggest street rally since 2007. Some independent news websites estimated there were tens of thousands of people, but authorities did not immediately have an official figure.

The rally has galvanized the opposition and has been credited for a surge in political awareness among the public in recent weeks.

Government officials accuse Anwar's three-party alliance of endorsing the rally to cause chaos on the streets and undermine the National Front.

Numerous restaurants and stores were closed because of the transportation disruptions and fears of violence.

Over the past two weeks, more than 200 other activists have been arrested nationwide for trying to promote the rally. Six are being held under security laws that allow indefinite detention without trial. Most of the others were eventually released, but some were charged with laws banning activities linked to illegal assemblies. They face several years in prison if convicted.

The activists' demands include an overhaul of voter registration lists, tougher measures to curb fraud and fairer opportunities for opposition politicians to campaign in government-linked media. The National Front's mandate expires in mid-2013 but many analysts expect elections to be called by next year.

Supporters of the Bersih coalition were also planning solidarity marches over the weekend in foreign cities, including in Australia, Britain, France, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, the Philippines, South Korea, Thailand and the United States.

In Washington, State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland said that the US has been communicating to Malaysia the importance of respecting human rights, including freedom of expression and assembly.
"We consider it incumbent on all sides to refrain from violence, particularly if we're going to have another rally tomorrow," she told a news conference Friday.
Hundreds arrested in Malaysian protest
Police blocks off the road leading to Dataran Merdeka (Merdeka Square) in Kuala Lumpur July 8, 2011, ahead of Saturday's planned rally by "Bersih", an electoral reform coalition calling for clean and fair elections. [Photo/Agencies]

 Malaysian police locks down Capital


Move comes as opposition group vows to press on with plans to hold pro-democracy rally.


Major roads in Kuala Lumpur, a city of 1.6 million, are closed [AFP]

Malaysian riot police have sealed off access to the capital Kuala Lumpur for the day as an opposition group vowed to press on with plans to hold a mass pro-democracy rally.

Police on Saturday set up roadblocks in the city centre and lorries mounted with water cannons were deployed to prevent the demonstration, which was planned by the opposition and an electoral reform group seeking greater transparency.

Major roads in Kuala Lumpur, a city of 1.6 million, are closed. Electronic signboards on highways leading into the city centre warned of legal action against those joining the protest.

A massive protest could signal that the ruling National Front coalition is losing ground and may spur Najib Razak, the Malaysian prime minister, to delay painful economic and political reforms.

A general election is not due until 2013 but Razak has not ruled out early polls, after economic growth accelerated to a 10-year high in 2010.

"No matter how badly we are repressed or prosecuted, the peaceful voice of the rakyat (people) will be heard in Kuala Lumpur come the 9th of July," protest organisers said in a statement.

The rally is being organised by an opposition-backed group called Bersih, or Clean. It has called for reforms following accusations that the election commission is biased towards the ruling coalition which has been in power since independence from Britain in 1957. The commission denies the charge.

Despite government accusations that the protesters are threatening national security, protest organisers have been adamant that they are pushing for electoral reform.

"The government of the day is not perfect," the pro-government New Straits Times newspaper said in an editorial.

"But be sure of one thing, we don't solve problems on the streets. That is not us, nor our way."

Growing opposition voice

Major street demonstrations are rare in this Southeast Asian country, but the rise of alternative media channels and a growing opposition voice are gradually creating a more vocal Malaysian public.

Tens of thousands of demonstrators demanded reforms at a November 2007 rally, which analysts said galvanised support for the opposition ahead of record gains in a 2008 general election.

The police launched a similar crackdown in 2007.

Razak took power in 2009, and inherited a divided ruling coalition which had been weakened by historic losses in the 2008 polls.

He had promised to restructure the government and economy and introduce an inclusive brand of politics aimed at uniting the country's different ethnic and religious groups.

Razak's approval ratings have risen from 45 per cent to 69 per cent in February, according to Merdeka centre, an independent polling group. But analysts said recent ethnic and religious differences have undermined his popularity.

D-Day for sense to prevail

ANALYSIS By BARADAN KUPPUSAMY

Kuala Lumpur is in lockdown today to protect the public from any untoward incident in the event that any individual or group chooses to defy measures put in place to stop potentially-disruptive rallies.
 
POLICE have locked down Kuala Lumpur, closed the city's roads and placed restriction orders on 91 individuals, including Pakatan Rakyat leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Bersih chairman Datuk S. Ambiga.

 
The order is also placed on leading members of Ambiga's steering committee as well as on Umno Youth and Perkasa leaders.




A magistrate has ordered the 91 people to stay away from certain spots in Kuala Lumpur between 8am and 6pm today, or they would be arrested on sight.
 
In addition to these measures, all major roads leading into Kuala Lumpur have been closed and others monitored to prevent Bersih demonstrators from entering the city individually or in groups and moving in on Merdeka Stadium, their preferred venue for the rally.

 
Presumably, all the roads leading to the stadium would also be closed with police monitoring traffic to prevent demonstrators from reaching the stadium for the rally which is supposed to take place between 2pm and 4pm.

 
Police are also pressing on with their action against those flaunting the Bersih T-shirts and other paraphernalia.

 
It would indeed take a really determined person to run the gauntlet of restrictions and still make it to the stadium by 2pm for a rally that is in great doubt considering all the police actions to stop it from taking place.

 
At a meeting with Bersih leaders, Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Ismail Omar offered to let them hold their rally at Shah Alam Stadium.

 
However, Bersih leaders rejected it outright even though Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim is on record as holding it out to them.

 
Bersih leaders are well aware of the historical and political significance of Merdeka Stadium, the place where the country's independence was announced.

 
In November 2007, over 40,000 protesters managed to make their way to the palace and Anwar handed the Bersih memorandum to palace officials.

 
Then, the rakyat did experience change. It galvanised them by reinforcing their belief that together they could prove a point that Umno is not infallible.


 
Long years in power does that to any institution.

 
But five years on, the same argument cannot be repeated any more. Umno is not the same Umno as before because it is reforming itself. Neither is the Election Commission stagnant but willing to engage in dialogue with its critics.

 
Nevertheless, Bersih leaders have called on supporters to press ahead with the rally at Merdeka Stadium and they are not averse to defying the order restricting them from being seen near any of the hot spots in the city.

 
“No matter how badly we are repressed or prosecuted, the peaceful voice of the people will be heard in Kuala Lumpur,” the Bersih steering committee said in a statement.

 
“There is no reason whatsoever to ban anyone from entering the city. We have stated time and again that where Bersih 2.0 is concerned, our only intent is to exercise our constitutional right to gather peacefully and call for clean and fair elections.”

 
The stage is therefore set for a showdown between supporters of Bersih 2.0 and the authorities, who are hell bent on seeing that the demonstration fizzles out.

 
The Bersih rally has appeared large on the nation's political screen ever since Bersih held a press conference announcing its intention on June 5.

 
After the King intervened and persuaded Bersih to call off its rally, the coalition of 62 NGOs agreed to move its venue to Merdeka Stadium, knowing well the stadium's operators would not allow it.

 
The failure to not march was a big letdown for Anwar, who had wanted to have the street rally in a test of strength with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.

 
He had wanted the rally so that he could gather and direct the public storm in time for the 13th general election to galvanise the rakyat.

 
Bersih is organisationally weak and has no muscle of its own. It is weak because the NGOs that make up its core membership are also weak organisationally and rely on Anwar for a unifying leadership and on PAS to fill up the Bersih rank-and-file.

 
Behind the individual NGOs in Bersih, there are no lines of supporters able to take a hard knock or withstand a head-on collision with the authorities, except perhaps for the dedicated PAS members.

 
That would be what the critics have always been saying, that behind Bersih 2.0 is Anwar and that Bersih, the coalition for electoral reform, is merely a tool for his political game plan.

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Friday, June 17, 2011

Malaysia's PAS makes cosmetic changes to Islamic State, a Mission Impossible



ANALYSIS By BARADAN KUPPUSAMY 

Recent developments in PAS are aimed at winning support from non-Muslims but the party's ultimate Islamic agenda still remains.




The latest changes in PAS are therefore in-keeping with its long-term goals - to win acceptance from Middle Malaysia and to eventually Islamise the country.

SOMETHING has happened to PAS in the space of a short time and it has to do with transforming itself for a general election that is widely expected by late this year or early 2012.

First, Datuk Abdul Hadi Awang, speaking at the party's 57th Muktamar, dropped the sacred goal of the party since its founding 60 years ago the Islamic state concept.

It would instead pursue a welfare state. Abdul Hadi in announcing PAS' new direction said that in Islam, an Islamic state and a welfare state were one and the same.

In the blink of an eye, the party had dropped the reason for its existence and conceded to all the non-Muslims in the country, who had feared the party's long term goals, that it is no longer pursuing an Islamic state.

It has also given the DAP, which had long opposed an Islamic state, an avenue to argue to the non-Muslims that PAS is no longer to be feared.

DAP chairman Karpal Singh can sleep easy now that the party has dropped the Islamic state agenda. He does not have to say “over my dead body” to defend a secular state, as what Malaysia is.

To top it all, moderate Mohamed Sabu managed to win the deputy president's post although by just 20 votes.

The ulama faction in PAS had tried very hard to stop the popular Pakatan Rakyat grassroots leader by putting up an ulama candidate Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man but Mat Sabu still managed to defeat him and another candidate, Nasharuddin Mat Isa, who had enjoyed incumbency.

Mat Sabu's defeat of his opponents lends credence to the new image of the party, as progressive and acceptable by all and led by non-ulamas and professionals.

Also winning as vice-president were Datuk Husam Musa, the Kelantan state exco member and incumbents Salahuddin Ayob and Mahfuz Omar.

All of these lends credence to the theme that the ulamas are in retreat and that the professional and non-ulama group is ascendant.

Mat Sabu also wasted no time and in the first week of his victory granted an interview to Malaysiakini in which he ruffled the ulama's features and stated that Kelantan and Kedah should emulate Penang and urged the PAS rank and file to fight corruption and abuse of authority.

In the series of articles, he also sought to rewrite the seat allocation formula between PKR, DAP and PAS in which DAP contests the Chinese majority seats, PAS the Malay majority and PKR in the mixed seats.

By saying he would like to stand in Bukit Bintang, a Chinese majority seat that the DAP holds through Fong Kui Lun, Mat Sabu who lost in Kepala Batas (1982), Kuala Kedah (2004) and Kuala Terengganu (2008) is giving notice of PAS' intention not to accept the seat allocation rules.

Then on Saturday the party made another change that is sure to bring smiles to the DAP and the non-Malays it dropped Datuk Dr Hassan Ali as the PAS commissioner for Selangor, replacing him with Dr Abdul Rani Osman.

Dr Hassan had been at loggerheads with the DAP's Ronnie Liu over the sale of alcoholic drinks in Malay-majority areas in Shah Alam. He had wanted 7-Eleven stores to stop the sale of beer, a move strongly opposed by the DAP.

Another person also dropped was the state's ulama wing chief Datuk Harun Taib, whose post has been taken over by Abdul Wahid Endut.

Abdul Hadi also announced that a book would be published on the welfare state and he specifically said the DAP was agreeable to the new concept the party was pursuing.

All these changes from dropping the Islamic state agenda, showing the door to Dr Hassan and allowing Mat Sabu to pontificate show that the moderate image of the party is actively advertised as opposed to the intolerant ulama image known to all.

The speed of changes in PAS has even taken Umno leaders by surprise with one leader urging PAS to drop “Islam” from its name and others slamming the party for its decision to drop the Islamic state label in favour of the welfare state and for sacking Dr Hassan.

While the changes would help PAS better prepare for the next general election to win non-Malay votes, the party has not abandoned any of its core principles.

The Islamic state, defending the sanctity of Islam, making Islam the guide to politics and statehood and upholding Islam in all fields (including governance and administration, economics, society, learning and education) these are all very much the party's core aims and are in the party's constitution.

What PAS has achieved in a short space of time are really cosmetic changes to better prepare for the next general election by capturing the moderate votes of all races the Middle Malaysia of Malays, Chinese and Indian and others who had supported Barisan Nasional.

PAS is aware that the next step in the political transformation of the country is acceptance of the party by “Middle Malaysia” if it is to expand on its Islamic agenda.

It must pursue this goal in a gradual manner to win acceptance from “Middle Malaysia”.

The fact that a party based on religion would eventually lean towards religious dogma to rule because of the make-up of its members thus fades from the voters' minds.

The latest changes in PAS are therefore in keeping with its long-term goals to win acceptance from Middle Malaysia and to eventually Islamise the country.



Mission impossible

COMMENT By CHANDRA MUZAFFAR

The quest for an Islamic State has been so fundamental to PAS' struggle all these years and yet, there is no Islamic State in the Quran.

PAS President Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang has just discovered that there is no “Islamic State” in the Quran.

And yet since its inception in 1951, PAS has espoused the cause of an Islamic State. It is the ideological foundation of the party. On a number of occasions, especially since 1982, when the party leadership proclaimed “the rule of the ulama”, the goal of an Islamic State has been bandied about to show the people that it is PAS that occupies the moral high ground compared to Umno which PAS often condemns as a secular party.

If the quest for an Islamic State has been so fundamental to PAS' struggle all these years, is Hadi's recent discovery an open admission that the party was wrong in its understanding and interpretation of the Quran?
Is Hadi and also Kelantan Mentri Besar Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz, PAS' spiritual adviser guilty of misleading Muslims and non-Muslims alike, perhaps unwittingly?

It is, of course, true that there is no Islamic State in the Quran if by that, one means a description and explanation of how power and authority are derived, organised, exercised and relinquished in the religion; for these are some of the essential attributes of a state.

What the Quran offers is guidance in relation to the values and principles that are vital for good governance. It is not just in relation to governance or welfare which PAS now enunciates as its mission that the Quran is a book of guidance. It embodies universal values and principles pertinent to all aspects of human life and death.

The idea of an Islamic state emerged to a large extent as a reaction of sorts to Western colonialism that had conquered most Muslim countries by the beginning of the 20th century. It was reinforced by the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1923.

Various concepts of an Islamic State were subsequently popularised through the writings of men like Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Ikhwan-ul-Muslimin (the Muslim Brotherhood), and Sayyid Qutb, one of its leading ideologues, both Egyptians, and Abul Ala Maududi, the founder of the Jamaat Islami in Pakistan.

There was also a rigid, puritanical version of the Islamic State associated with the teachings of an 18th century preacher, Muhammad ibn Abd-al Wahhab, that became the ideological basis of Saudi Arabia.

Much later, in 1979, a Shia-oriented Islamic state was established, the product of a people's revolution in Iran.

However different the theories and practices associated with the Islamic State project from Afghanistan under the Taliban to Saudi Arabia to Sudan to Iran there are certain broad similarities that seem to define both the idea and its implementation.

Invariably, the State determines how Islam should be interpreted, understood and practised. Other approaches to the religion are sidelined and often suppressed. This leads to religious-cum-political authoritarianism which, in almost every Islamic state, has resulted in the stifling of legitimate dissent and the incarceration of dissenters.

Given this perspective on state power, it is not surprising that the implementation of syariah in every instance has bestowed primacy upon hudud, the Islamic criminal code. It is this emphasis that has created a 2P punish and prohibit culture in those societies that claim to be Islamic. In a genuine Islamic ethos, it is the 2E educate and enlighten approach that would prevail.

While the roles prescribed for the non-Muslim citizenry are often observed, it is also true that their subordinate status is a norm in these so-called Islamic states. Similarly, concessions may be made to women in the public sphere but the privileging of the male is both legally sanctioned and socially legitimised.

In all Islamic states, there is a preoccupation with protecting and perpetuating a religiously moulded popular culture which tends to negate the finer attributes of individual creativity. This is partly because preserving Islamic identity as defined by the elite is so central to the Islamic State project.

To a greater or lesser degree, PAS' outlook and orientation mirror these characteristics associated with the Islamic State project. It may have dropped the label but the content remains.

Has PAS, like the Islamic reform movements in Indonesia and Turkey, gone beyond hudud and fiqh (jurisprudence) to articulate values and principles that distinguish the contextual from the universal in text and tradition? Has the party like the Nahda (Renaissance Party) in Tunisia evolved a theory of shared citizenship rooted in the Quranic vision of a common humanity that transcends religious affiliation? Why has PAS not done what the Ikhwan-ul-Muslimin in Egypt did recently? The new party it has established in preparation for the coming national election, the Freedom and Justice Party, has not only allowed Christians to be full and equal members but has also appointed a Christian as the party's vice-president.

Though a PAS leader, the late Zuikifli Muhammad, first raised the question of allowing non-Muslims to become associate members of the party in the early 1960s, PAS has made no move in that direction. All that it has done is to establish a non-Muslim supporters club which has no membership rights!

This is why it is wrong to describe PAS, in the wake of its recent election, as a party which is now spearheaded by “reformers” and “progressives”. While there are some individuals who are reform-minded in the party hierarchy, PAS as a whole remains a hudud-oriented, Islamic State-inclined party.

What makes the present leadership different from its predecessors is the dominance of individuals who are willing to forge tactical alliances and engage in strategic manoeuvres to attain power to capture Putrajaya even if it means setting aside for the time being their decades' old dream of establishing an Islamic State.

Seizing power through the ballot box is their primary goal. This is why PAS is prepared to adjust to the agendas of its Pakatan Rakyat partners the DAP and PKR in order to maximise non-Muslim/non-Malay support in the coming general election. Its motto is simple: power first, dogma afterwards.

Is there any wonder that the PAS president has now come to the realisation that there is no Islamic State in the Quran?

Dr Chandra Muzaffar is a political scientist who has written extensively on Muslim societies since the late 1970s. His latest book is titled Muslims Today: Changes Within; Challenges Without' (Islamabad: Iqbal Institute, International Islamic University, 2011).