We’ve reached a point where it doesn’t matter who brings the change – BN or PR, conservative or liberal, socialist or right-wing. Malaysians will get behind whoever is the most sincere in taking us out of this mess. Voices from Malaysian:
Patrick Teoh
Teoh has come a very long way from his days as an announcer on the Rediffusion private radio station before establishing himself as one of the pioneers in mobile discos. In fact, till today people still associate Teoh with his voice though he is also into the arts and theatre.
Watch and listen his Video:
LAST weekend’s thwarted march wasn’t an ordinary incident – it reveals two radically different world views.
While the march was nominally non-political, the chasm between the two forces – the Government and the demonstrators – clearly mirrors the increasingly acrimonious split between Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Rakyat (PR).
Of course, a deeply divided political terrain is always troubling, however, it is at least proof of a dynamic and thriving public discourse.
Ironically, the opposition, despite being excluded from the mainstream media, is clearly setting the terms of this debate.
It also shows that Malaysia remains a democracy – albeit a flawed one.
Indeed, I’d argue that the intensity of the discourse over the past few weeks highlights quite how much we Malaysians care about the state of our nation.
We can see and feel that the state is becoming more polarised – and in such a situation, we are being forced to choose sides.
Sitting on the fence is no longer a viable option – especially when the fence is been shaken so hard by the two opposing sides. However, there are some positives. Most notably the fact that the divide is not racial despite what some politicians are alleging.
In fact there are Malays, Indians, Chinese, Iban, Kadazan, Muslims, Christians, Buddhists and Hindu on both sides of the debate. Indeed, the struggle has gone way beyond racial and religious lines.
Instead we are tussling over political philosophies and principles.
While the differences are certainly stark, their mere existence indicates a certain maturing of our political system presenting us with the alluring prospect of a two-party system.
I must stress that the racial diversity on both sides represents a steadying force – anchoring us together as a nation.
And yes, you could say, it underlines the fact that we are debating a truly Malaysian set of issues.
So what are these substantive political differences? Well, for a start, they transcend mere personality.
On one hand, we have a strident Umno-led Government demanding the continuation of the status quo.
In this respect, Umno is very definitely a conservative (small “c”) force – defending and promoting the interests of the influence-bearing classes.
It’s arguable that Umno’s small businessmen/contractors have adopted the mindset and behaviour of the many minor aristocrats and noblemen that once surrounded Malaysia’s many istana (or palaces) jockeying for favours and/or contracts.
It is not a dynamic, expansive vision – witness the primordial and unavoidable cry for Malay unity interspersed with Malay rights.
As with those enamoured and indeed obsessed by the past there is a paranoia and fear of change. Understandably then, any concession or reform is seen of as an affront to Umno’s domination, dignity and integrity.
On the other, you have what is essentially a socialist front in Pakatan Rakyat.
They claim to represent the interest of the rakyat – the ordinary people, taking a moral high-ground on issues such as corruption, mismanagement and civil liberties.
They know the language of the people – focusing on day-to-day issues from rising food prices to the quality of education.
Obviously my formulation ignores the inconsistencies, but there’s no denying the socio-economic and “class” basis to this struggle.
At the same time the respective leaders play up these associations because politics – let’s face it – is also theatre and understatement doesn’t play to the gallery.
Returning to Pakatan, I must point out that the coalition’s very new-ness means they are much more flexible, less rigid and accepting.
Indeed, Hadi Awang’s courageous stance on Negara Kebajikan is an indication of the extent to which Pakatan is exploring new paradigms.
Of course, PAS carry a certain baggage themselves. For example, will the gentle and considerate PAS of today be replaced by a morally sanctimonious force once in power?
At a time when technology is changing so rapidly, (iPad succeeded by iPad2, just when you’ve begun to understand it), we’ve got to accept political systems have to change as well.
But will the face-off between the two opposing forces benefit us – the rakyat?
Well, I for one am confident that there will be change and that we as a nation desperately need that change.
Indeed, we’ve reached a point where it doesn’t actually matter who brings the change – BN or PR, conservative or liberal, socialist or right-wing.
Malaysians will rally behind whoever is the most sincere in taking us out of this mess, just as Ronnie Reagan and later Obama inspired their respective voters.
Ironically, after all this talk of substantive politics we’re back where we started with character and personality.
So, we have to batten down, wait, watch and judge because at the end of the day we, the people are sovereign and through the ballot box, we can kick out those who’ve let us down.
So carry on ladies and gentlemen of the political world, we’re watching and evaluating your performance.
Malaysia police arrest more than thousand protesters
Romen Bose and Julia Zappei July 9, 2011 - 10:39PM
Malaysian police have fired teargas and water cannon, making 1400 arrests during clashes with protesters who defied government warnings to rally in the capital for electoral reform.
Leaders of opposition parties were among those detained during a massive security operation, but it failed to thwart the outlawed demonstration, which saw 50,000 citizens take to the streets of Kuala Lumpur, according to organisers.
Protesters faced baton-wielding riot officers in front of a downtown bus station, retreating at times and regrouping to push back police lines in a cat-and-mouse confrontation that took place in a downpour.
Some demonstrators fought back by picking up teargas canisters, which they lobbed at police, AFP reporters said.
Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim was injured during the protest when he fell on to the pavement after a teargas attack and was taken to a hospital as he was feeling unwell, an aide said.
The protesters dissolved into three main groups, and by late afternoon all were trying to force their way through a tight police cordon to a stadium and then to the king's palace to hand over a memorandum detailing their demands.
The police line, however, held firm.
"Why is the government trying to intimidate citizens?" said Mohamad Manij Abdullah, 50, a businessman who joined the rally.
"We are only trying to reform elections and have a free and fair government," he told AFP.
National police chief Ismail Omar told a news conference police had detained 1401 people and were investigating them for illegal assembly although many were expected to be released on bail.
Ismail said barricades around the capital Kuala Lumpur, which had turned it into a ghost town since midnight, would be dismantled if there were no further incidents.
Among those arrested were protest leader Ambiga Sreenivasan and Maria Chin Abdullah. Ambiga told AFP she was freed later on Saturday without being charged.
Abdul Hadi Awang, president of the Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party (PAS), the country's largest Islamic opposition grouping, was also arrested.
The protesters rallied in several areas of the city, but later began to disperse, said Subramaniam Pillay, one of the organisers, who described the day as "a great success".
Student Chew Ai Nee, 30, said: "We have to take to the streets because we have not been given any opportunity to express our demands for change ... the government cannot silence us when we march."
Many of the protesters were shouting "Reformasi!" (Reforms), "God is great" and "Long Live the People".
"We cannot allow a minority group to protest and stir trouble in the country," he said, accusing protesters of provoking the police into firing teargas "so that they can accuse the government of being heavy-handed".
UMNO is the dominant party in the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition led by Prime Minister Najib Razak.
New York-based watchdog Human Rights Watch (HRW) denounced the arrests.
"This is a maelstrom of the Malaysian authorities' own making," said Phil Robertson, deputy director for HRW's Asia Division.
Downtown Kuala Lumpur, normally a hive of activity on weekends, was deserted as major roads into the commercial and tourist district were sealed off.
Meanwhile, about 30 Malaysians living in South Korea rallied in Seoul in support, with another 80 marching through central Hong Kong.
Organisers had called for solidarity walks and demonstrations in countries including Australia, Cambodia, Japan, the United States and Taiwan.
The demonstrators want reforms, including the eradication of vote buying and the prevention of irregularities such as people illegally voting several times during elections.
Bersih (which means clean in the Malay language), which organised the protest, wants to see the use of indelible ink to prevent multiple voting, equal access to the media for all parties and the cleaning-up of electoral rolls.
Malaysia's opposition made major gains in 2008 elections against the ruling coalition, but said they could have won more if voting rules were fair.
The country's next elections are widely expected to be called early next year, with the opposition aiming to end Barisan's half-century rule.
More than 20,000 people demonstrated for electoral reforms across Kuala Lumpur, the Malaysian capital, on Saturday in a rare protest that was declared illegal by police. The protest was called for by opposition groups, including the Coalition for Free and Fair Elections, Bersih (Clean). Police fired tear-gas and water cannons at demonstrators and arrested more than 1,400 people, including top opposition leaders, according to protest organisers. The activists' demands include an overhaul of voter registration lists, tougher measures to curb fraud and fairer opportunities for opposition politicians to campaign in government-linked media. Malaysia's next general election is planned due in 2013.
1) With Kuala Lumpur under police lockdown since the morning, protesters tried to gather and seek refuge inside a railway station before being led outside by police where many were detained and put into police vans. [Saeed Khan/AFP]
2) Protesters display the yellow shirts of the Coalition for Free and Fair Elections, or Bersih (Clean}, during a rally calling for electoral reforms in Kuala Lumpur [Ahmad Yusni/EPA]
3) Riot police stand making a cordon in front of Malaysia's iconic twin towers before demonstrators gather [Saeed Khan/AFP]
4) A Bersih supporter shouts at police during clashes in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Shahir Omar/Reuters]
5) Police use a water cannon to spray Bersih supporters in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Samsul Said/Reuters]
6) A Bersih supporter throws a water bottle at a police water-cannon truck [Mohd Rasfan/AFP]
7) Police face off against thousands of Bersih supporters [Saeed Khan/AFP]
8) A Bersih supporter holds the Malaysian flag in front of a police water cannon [Damir Sagolj/Reuters])
9) Police in riot gear march under heavy rain toward protesters calling for electoral reforms [Saeed Khan/AFP
10) Police face off against thousands of protesters in a scene shrouded by tear gas [Saeed Khan/AFP]
11) A Bersih supporter is detained by police during protests in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Damir Sagolj/Reuters]
12) A Bersih supporter is detained by police during protests in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Saedd Khan/AFP]
13) Bersih supporters are detained by police during protests in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Damir Sagolj/Reuters]
14) Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim (C) is surrounded by supporters, one of whom is injured, after a protest in Kuala Lumpur calling for electoral reforms [AFP]
15) Bersih supporters chant slogans during a protest calling for electoral reforms in downtown Kuala Lumpur [Damir Sagolj/Reuters]
Malaysian police attempt to detain protesters during clashes in Kuala Lumpur on 9 July. Photograph: Damir Sagolj/Reuters
Police fired teargas and detained hundreds of activists as more than 20,000 demonstrators gathered across Malaysia's capital on Saturday, demanding electoral reforms in the country's biggest political rally in years.
The opposition-backed rally was the culmination of weeks of intense pressure on the government of prime minister Najib Razak to make election laws fairer and more transparent before general elections expected to take place by mid-2012.
Demonstrators marched in defiance of Najib's administration, which has declared the rally illegal and warned people to avoid it.
Opposition leaders accuse Najib's National Front coalition of relying on fraud to preserve its 54-year grip on power, which has been eroded in recent years amid allegations of corruption and racial discrimination. The government insists the current electoral policies are fair.
Authorities took extraordinary security measures to deter the rally by sealing off roads, closing train stations and deploying trucks with water cannons near the Independence Stadium in central Kuala Lumpur, where activists sought to gather.
Police said in a statement they had detained 924 people, including senior opposition officials, in what they called Operation Erase Bersih, referring to the Bersih (Clean) coalition of groups behind the rally.
Thousands tried to reach the stadium from various parts of Kuala Lumpur, chanting "Long live the people", and carrying yellow balloons and flowers as they marched.
Police fired numerous rounds of teargas and chemical-laced water in repeated attempts to disperse the crowds, causing demonstrators to scatter into nearby buildings and alleys before regrouping.
Police helicopters flew overhead as a brief downpour failed to deter the protesters.
The demonstrators finally dispersed after a five-hour standoff with police. Only several hundred reached the stadium.
Najib insisted on Saturday that the protesters represent a minority, and that most Malaysians support his administration. "If there are people who want to hold the illegal rally, there are even more who are against their plan," the prime minister was quoted as saying by the national news agency, Bernama.
Witnesses said riot police armed with batons charged at some protesters and dragged them into trucks. Some were seen bleeding, but police could not confirm any injuries.
The opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim said on Twitter that he had sustained a "minor injury" when his group was hit by teargas. The Malaysiakini news website said he had a knee injury.
The crackdown "stirred a sense of outrage against the exhibition of raw power by our government", the Bersih coalition leader Ambiga Sreenavasan told reporters. "What is the necessity for a show of might against right? No matter what, right will always prevail," she said, minutes before police detained her and other Bersih officials.
Activists estimated that the total number of demonstrators exceeded 20,000 people, making it Malaysia's biggest street rally since 2007. Some independent news websites estimated there were tens of thousands of people, but authorities did not immediately have an official figure.
The rally has galvanised the opposition and has been credited for a surge in political awareness among the public in recent weeks. Meanwhile, government officials accuse Anwar's three-party alliance of endorsing the rally to cause chaos on the streets and undermine the National Front.
Over the past two weeks, more than 200 other activists have been arrested nationwide for trying to promote the rally. Six are being held under security laws that allow indefinite detention without trial. Most of the others have been released, but some have been charged with laws banning activities linked to illegal assemblies. They face several years in prison if convicted.
The activists' demands include an overhaul of voter registration lists, tougher measures to curb fraud and fairer opportunities for opposition politicians to campaign in government-linked media. The National Front's mandate expires in mid-2013 but many analysts expect elections to be called by next year.
Supporters of the "Bersih" electoral reform coalition are ushered into a police truck near the National Museum after being detained before a planned Bersih rally in Kuala Lumpur July 9, 2011. [Photo/Agencies]
KUALA LUMPUR - Malaysian Police fired tear gas and detained hundreds of activists as more than 20,000 demonstrators massed Saturday across Malaysia's main city demanding electoral reforms in the country's biggest political rally in years.
The opposition-backed rally was the culmination of weeks of intense pressure on Prime Minister Najib Razak's long-ruling coalition to make election laws fairer and more transparent ahead of national polls widely expected by mid-2012.
Demonstrators marched in defiance of Najib's administration, which has declared the rally illegal and warned people repeatedly to avoid it.
Opposition leaders accuse Najib's National Front coalition of relying on fraud to preserve its 54-year grip on power, which has been eroded in recent years amid mounting complaints about corruption and racial discrimination. The government insists the current electoral policies are evenhanded.
Authorities took extraordinary security measures to deter Saturday's rally by sealing off roads, closing train stations and deploying trucks mounted with water cannons near the Independence Stadium in downtown Kuala Lumpur, where activists sought to gather.
Nevertheless, thousands tried to reach the stadium from various parts of Kuala Lumpur, chanting "Long live the people" and carrying yellow balloons and flowers as they marched.
Police fired numerous rounds of tear gas and chemical-laced water in repeated attempts to disperse the crowds, causing demonstrators to scatter into nearby buildings and alleys before they regrouped. Police helicopters flew overhead as a brief downpour failed to deter the protesters.
Najib insisted Saturday the protesters only represent a minority, and that most Malaysians support his administration.
"If there are people who want to hold the illegal rally, there are even more who are against their plan," the prime minister was quoted as saying by the national news agency, Bernama.
The federal police force said in a statement that it detained 670 people in a clampdown called "Operation Erase Bersih," referring to the Bersih coalition of civic groups organizing the rally. Those arrested included several senior opposition officials.
Witnesses said riot police armed with batons charged at some protesters and dragged them into trucks. Some were seen bleeding, but police could not confirm any injuries.
Anwar Ibrahim, Malaysia's top opposition figure, said on Twitter that he sustained a "minor injury" when his group was hit by tear gas. The Malaysiakini news website said he had a knee injury.
The crackdown "stirred a sense of outrage against the exhibition of raw power by our government," Bersih coalition leader Ambiga Sreenavasan told reporters.
"What is the necessity for a show of might against right? No matter what, right will always prevail," she said, minutes before police detained her and other Bersih officials as they walked to the stadium.
As the afternoon progressed, activists estimated the total number of demonstrators exceeded 20,000 people, making it Malaysia's biggest street rally since 2007. Some independent news websites estimated there were tens of thousands of people, but authorities did not immediately have an official figure.
The rally has galvanized the opposition and has been credited for a surge in political awareness among the public in recent weeks.
Government officials accuse Anwar's three-party alliance of endorsing the rally to cause chaos on the streets and undermine the National Front.
Numerous restaurants and stores were closed because of the transportation disruptions and fears of violence.
Over the past two weeks, more than 200 other activists have been arrested nationwide for trying to promote the rally. Six are being held under security laws that allow indefinite detention without trial. Most of the others were eventually released, but some were charged with laws banning activities linked to illegal assemblies. They face several years in prison if convicted.
The activists' demands include an overhaul of voter registration lists, tougher measures to curb fraud and fairer opportunities for opposition politicians to campaign in government-linked media. The National Front's mandate expires in mid-2013 but many analysts expect elections to be called by next year.
Supporters of the Bersih coalition were also planning solidarity marches over the weekend in foreign cities, including in Australia, Britain, France, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, the Philippines, South Korea, Thailand and the United States.
In Washington, State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland said that the US has been communicating to Malaysia the importance of respecting human rights, including freedom of expression and assembly.
"We consider it incumbent on all sides to refrain from violence, particularly if we're going to have another rally tomorrow," she told a news conference Friday.
Police blocks off the road leading to Dataran Merdeka (Merdeka Square) in Kuala Lumpur July 8, 2011, ahead of Saturday's planned rally by "Bersih", an electoral reform coalition calling for clean and fair elections. [Photo/Agencies]
Malaysian police locks down Capital
Move comes as opposition group vows to press on with plans to hold pro-democracy rally.
Major roads in Kuala Lumpur, a city of 1.6 million, are closed [AFP]
Malaysian riot police have sealed off access to the capital Kuala Lumpur for the day as an opposition group vowed to press on with plans to hold a mass pro-democracy rally.
Police on Saturday set up roadblocks in the city centre and lorries mounted with water cannons were deployed to prevent the demonstration, which was planned by the opposition and an electoral reform group seeking greater transparency.
Major roads in Kuala Lumpur, a city of 1.6 million, are closed. Electronic signboards on highways leading into the city centre warned of legal action against those joining the protest.
A general election is not due until 2013 but Razak has not ruled out early polls, after economic growth accelerated to a 10-year high in 2010.
"No matter how badly we are repressed or prosecuted, the peaceful voice of the rakyat (people) will be heard in Kuala Lumpur come the 9th of July," protest organisers said in a statement.
The rally is being organised by an opposition-backed group called Bersih, or Clean. It has called for reforms following accusations that the election commission is biased towards the ruling coalition which has been in power since independence from Britain in 1957. The commission denies the charge.
Despite government accusations that the protesters are threatening national security, protest organisers have been adamant that they are pushing for electoral reform.
"The government of the day is not perfect," the pro-government New Straits Times newspaper said in an editorial.
"But be sure of one thing, we don't solve problems on the streets. That is not us, nor our way."
Growing opposition voice
Major street demonstrations are rare in this Southeast Asian country, but the rise of alternative media channels and a growing opposition voice are gradually creating a more vocal Malaysian public.
Tens of thousands of demonstrators demanded reforms at a November 2007 rally, which analysts said galvanised support for the opposition ahead of record gains in a 2008 general election.
The police launched a similar crackdown in 2007.
Razak took power in 2009, and inherited a divided ruling coalition which had been weakened by historic losses in the 2008 polls.
He had promised to restructure the government and economy and introduce an inclusive brand of politics aimed at uniting the country's different ethnic and religious groups.
Razak's approval ratings have risen from 45 per cent to 69 per cent in February, according to Merdeka centre, an independent polling group. But analysts said recent ethnic and religious differences have undermined his popularity.
D-Day for sense to prevail
ANALYSIS By BARADAN KUPPUSAMY
Kuala Lumpur is in lockdown today to protect the public from any untoward incident in the event that any individual or group chooses to defy measures put in place to stop potentially-disruptive rallies. POLICE have locked down Kuala Lumpur, closed the city's roads and placed restriction orders on 91 individuals, including Pakatan Rakyat leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Bersih chairman Datuk S. Ambiga. The order is also placed on leading members of Ambiga's steering committee as well as on Umno Youth and Perkasa leaders.
A magistrate has ordered the 91 people to stay away from certain spots in Kuala Lumpur between 8am and 6pm today, or they would be arrested on sight. In addition to these measures, all major roads leading into Kuala Lumpur have been closed and others monitored to prevent Bersih demonstrators from entering the city individually or in groups and moving in on Merdeka Stadium, their preferred venue for the rally. Presumably, all the roads leading to the stadium would also be closed with police monitoring traffic to prevent demonstrators from reaching the stadium for the rally which is supposed to take place between 2pm and 4pm. Police are also pressing on with their action against those flaunting the Bersih T-shirts and other paraphernalia. It would indeed take a really determined person to run the gauntlet of restrictions and still make it to the stadium by 2pm for a rally that is in great doubt considering all the police actions to stop it from taking place. At a meeting with Bersih leaders, Inspector-General of PoliceTan Sri Ismail Omar offered to let them hold their rally at Shah Alam Stadium. However, Bersih leaders rejected it outright even though Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim is on record as holding it out to them. Bersih leaders are well aware of the historical and political significance of Merdeka Stadium, the place where the country's independence was announced. In November 2007, over 40,000 protesters managed to make their way to the palace and Anwar handed the Bersih memorandum to palace officials. Then, the rakyat did experience change. It galvanised them by reinforcing their belief that together they could prove a point that Umno is not infallible.
Long years in power does that to any institution. But five years on, the same argument cannot be repeated any more. Umno is not the same Umno as before because it is reforming itself. Neither is the Election Commission stagnant but willing to engage in dialogue with its critics. Nevertheless, Bersih leaders have called on supporters to press ahead with the rally at Merdeka Stadium and they are not averse to defying the order restricting them from being seen near any of the hot spots in the city. “No matter how badly we are repressed or prosecuted, the peaceful voice of the people will be heard in Kuala Lumpur,” the Bersih steering committee said in a statement. “There is no reason whatsoever to ban anyone from entering the city. We have stated time and again that where Bersih 2.0 is concerned, our only intent is to exercise our constitutional right to gather peacefully and call for clean and fair elections.” The stage is therefore set for a showdown between supporters of Bersih 2.0 and the authorities, who are hell bent on seeing that the demonstration fizzles out. The Bersih rally has appeared large on the nation's political screen ever since Bersih held a press conference announcing its intention on June 5. After the King intervened and persuaded Bersih to call off its rally, the coalition of 62 NGOs agreed to move its venue to Merdeka Stadium, knowing well the stadium's operators would not allow it. The failure to not march was a big letdown for Anwar, who had wanted to have the street rally in a test of strength with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak. He had wanted the rally so that he could gather and direct the public storm in time for the 13th general election to galvanise the rakyat. Bersih is organisationally weak and has no muscle of its own. It is weak because the NGOs that make up its core membership are also weak organisationally and rely on Anwar for a unifying leadership and on PAS to fill up the Bersih rank-and-file. Behind the individual NGOs in Bersih, there are no lines of supporters able to take a hard knock or withstand a head-on collision with the authorities, except perhaps for the dedicated PAS members. That would be what the critics have always been saying, that behind Bersih 2.0 is Anwar and that Bersih, the coalition for electoral reform, is merely a tool for his political game plan.
There is a sense of déjà vu in the sex video case but this time, public expectations seem to have changed.
IT’S now called a sex video and the footage is probably only contained in a thumb drive. But 22 years ago, during the analogue days, they came in the form of the bulky VHS (video home system) tapes.
The visual on tape was often poor and grainy, especially if taken with a hidden camera and in bad lighting. But if they involved political figures, the intrigue and curiosity created would have been no less strong.
There would be the typical open declaration of disgust and anger over such intrusion of privacy but most would want to know more, especially the identities of the people involved.
The controversy over the sex video involving a man resembling Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is like a replay of an old video, or “rewind” as it used to be called.
Twenty-two years ago, DAP’s Karpal Singh walked into the Dewan Rakyat with an expose of a sex video implicating then Dewan Rakyat deputy speaker D.P. Vijandran. The press was tipped off earlier about this tape, which purportedly featured the bachelor politician and a woman in a yellow saree.
Karpal told Parliament then that he was exposing the MIC leader in “public interest” while then Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad expressed regret that the issue had been exploited so much that those allegedly involved were being “persecuted”.
At the height of the issue, this writer received a call from Vijandran who pleaded for the story not to be reported. He also called reporter K.P. Waran at the New Straits Times, hoping for the same thing. But we both told him that it would not be possible.
He then issued a statement criticising the Opposition’s call for the setting up of a Special Tribunal or Royal Commission of Inquiry.
There is certainly a sense of déjà vu among veteran journalists today.
Karpal Singh was regarded as quite a hero for his expose then, and even MIC boss S. Samy Vellu was asked by DAP to resign because of the controversy.
Vijandran, who was then the MIC secretary-general, denied he was the man in the video. In fact, when the issue went to court, he maintained that it was not him.
Political enemies would be blamed but, like most sex videos, they are often the work of people closest to the politician. Blaming the former is often a political reaction.
In Vijandran’s case, he blamed his nephew, S. Ravindran, for using a hidden camera to film him in a compromising situation. In his affidavit, he accused Ravindran of “splicing and superimposing his (Vijandran) image onto the pornographic tape portraying him as an actor”. In short, the tape was doctored. It wasn’t him, he maintained.
Fast forward to the present. No one would claim credit for such gutter politics but the Datuk Trio of Tan Sri Rahim Tamby Chik, Datuk Shazryl Eskay Abdullah and Datuk Shuaib Lazim have unprecedentedly taken responsibility for their action. They are also claiming “public interest” as grounds for doing what they did.
Eskay, a former physiotherapist to Anwar and who is said to be the closest to the Opposition Leader, even signed off a press release as “the insider” and dropped hints that he knew more.
Rahim has rebutted allegations that he had an old political score to settle with Anwar. Not many political analysts, however, are convinced.
Umno leaders have said Rahim has not done the party a favour and they are privately saying he lacks credibility. Many have said they are being blamed for something they had no hand in and that they are nervous over how the drama would end.
In 1998, Umno Youth leader Ruslan Kassim, who was aligned to Anwar, alleged that Rahim was the publisher of the book 50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot Be PM.
Rahim retaliated by suing him for RM15mil. The case only ended in 2004 with Ruslan, who had by then joined PKR, making an open apology to the former Malacca Chief Minister.
Old soldiers may fade away but in Malaysia it would appear that old political enemies will stay on to renew their fights. Anwar certainly has plenty of old enemies both inside and outside his party.
The trio has called for foreign experts to verify the identity of the man in the video.
Interestingly, during Vijandran’s trial, Dr Alfred David Linney, a University College of London specialist in planning and assessment of facial reconstruction, said the actor in the tape was a different person.
In fact, the defence witness testified that “if both the men were the same person, then their facial angles will not differ very much”.
Another defence witness, Japanese forensic anthropologist Masatsugu Hashimoto, testified: “It is wrong to state that the two earlobes of the man are the same because at least 14 points of similarities should have been found. In this case, not even a single point of similarity was found.”
Another defence witness, a lawyer, said he viewed the tape for 75 minutes and did not recognise the actor. When asked if he was sure, he replied: “I am positively sure it wasn’t Vijandran.”
The point is: in a court case, the prosecution and defence can always get witnesses, even so-called experts, to testify in support of their case.
In that instance, with the tapes freely available, the public had formed their own conclusion. In the People’s Court, Vijandran was the actor. Forget about the foreign experts.
In 1994, the Sessions Court sentenced him to a month’s jail and a fine of RM2,000 for fabricating evidence and making a false declaration. He took his appeals to the various upper courts and finally in 1998, he was acquitted by the Court of Appeal, which also set aside his conviction and sentence. But his political career was dead and public opinion of him and the tape remains unchanged.
This time around, however, public expectations seemed to have changed. Most Malaysians do not believe Anwar is the man in the video even though they haven’t seen it. And even if they did, the die-hard Anwar supporters would regard the use of the video as gutter politics.
If the Datuk Trio had thought they could play heroes, they have found out that the psychological battle has become more complicated. Unlike Vijandran’s tape, only 10-odd journalists, some policemen and a few local film experts have seen the video, not 20 million people. The police have said the video is genuine, so the three Datuks had better plan their next steps carefully if they do not want to end up as the Three Stooges.
IT’S amazing that when it comes to politics in Malaysia, things either revolve around the same old issues or the same old personalities.
Like these two who still continue to make the headlines – Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.
Over the past few days, I have been trying unsuccessfully to get a copy of the former Prime Minister’s memoirs, A Doctor in the House, which has generated much interest since its launch more than two weeks ago.
Having missed out on the deadline for the collective buying discount offer at the office, the last hunt was at Borders in Tropicana City Mall in Petaling Jaya on Monday, only to find out that the latest batch of copies had just been sold out.
Love him or loathe him but this is one person whom Malaysians find hard to ignore. The PM for 22 years may have stepped down eight years ago but there’s no waning of his stature or influence among many, just as there seems no end to aversion and scorn from others.
The other character who seems to be forever making the news is of course Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, a former blue-eyed boy of Dr Mahathir, who rose through his patronage to occupy the second most important position in the country before being unceremoniously sacked and jailed in 1998 on sodomy and corruption charges.
After a long hiatus, poster-size pictures of him made the front pages on Tuesday, next to headlines denying that he was the man in a shocker of a sex video with a hooker, unveiled to selected media representatives a day earlier.
Anwar has since lodged a police report citing criminal intimidation and defamation against Datuk T who exposed the video, and the police have begun probing the case under the law pertaining to possession and distribution of pornographic material.
(Datuk T stands for Datuk Trio or Three Datuks, who have been identified as Tan Sri Rahim Tamby Chik, Datuk Shazryl Eskay Abdullah and Datuk Shuib Lazim).
Datuk T, meanwhile, had said he would surrender the footage to an independent public commission and urged the media fraternity and non-government organisations to take the lead in setting one up.
As some of these developments were taking place on Tuesday, I was having a chat and coffee with Tan Sri Sanusi Junid, a man whose life has been intertwined with that of Dr Mahathir and Anwar and one who knows a lot about both of them.
The former youth leader, scholar, linguist and colourful politician who has had a chequered career spanning banking, politics from the grassroots to the Cabinet level and academia, is, of course, no stranger to controversy himself.
Political veterans would agree that this is one guy who has always been close to Dr Mahathir and was also once very chummy with Anwar, making him a veritable font of yarns about both of them.
Many of the stories are yet to be heard, and some like those dating back to when Anwar was a Form One schoolboy in the Malay College Kuala Kangsar and Sanusi was his senior in Form Five are unlikely to be told.
Sanusi, a founder vice-president of Abim, certainly is someone who knows the ins and outs of Anwar from the time he was 12 years old to his entry into politics.
Among the anecdotes told by Sanusi on Tuesday was about the time when Dr Mahathir threatened to quit as Prime Minister in 1985 as Umno nearly held an extraordinary general meeting to urge Tun Musa Hitam, who had resigned as Deputy Prime Minister in the wake of the Memali tragedy, to return.
He recalled his rather devious role, and that of a few others, in getting the delegates to oppose the motion for the EGM – by making them believe that the majority was against it, although the opposite was true – through persuasive but frantic last-minute phone calls.
Musa’s supporters later put up posters linking Dr Mahathir with ‘AIDS’ – an acronym for the closest people around him then: Anwar Ibrahim, Daim (Zainuddin) and Sanusi – and blamed them for the defeat.
According to Sanusi, among the ‘AIDS’, it was Anwar who was cosiest to Dr Mahathir.
“Besides his wife and children, Anwar was the nearest to Dr Mahathir’s heart,” he recalled, adding that unlike the others whom he only sought for views, Anwar benefited most from the former PM’s trust.
Sanusi also related another interesting tale about money politics in Umno, dating back to 1993 when former Deputy Prime Minister Tun Ghafar Baba was swept away in the contest for the deputy president’s post by Anwar, who was then leading the party’s Team Wawasan.
Sabah strongman the late Tun Datu Mustapha Harun, Ghafar and Sanusi were on their way to a divisional meeting in Sabah in a helicopter and during the journey, Mustapha kept telling Ghafar not to worry as he was about to get his first nomination from the state.
“But when we reached the place, the division chief, who was supposed to be a strong supporter of Mustapha, said: ‘Sorry Tun, I cannot nominate Ghafar today because that man over there (pointing to someone later only identified by the others as a Sarawakian and non-Malay) has just given me RM500,000.”
The meeting soon started with a short speech, after which the nomination was done in front of everyone. And as the division chief said, it was not Ghafar who was named.
Sanusi said during their journey back, Mustapha said he was not surprised at the turn of events.
He said he told the dejected Ghafar matter-of-factly: “I regret I did not bring RM1mil.”
Associate editor M. Veera Pandiyan likes this observation by American journalist Joseph Sobran who passed on last year: Politics is the conspiracy of the unproductive but organised against the productive but unorganised.
Patrick Teoh
